Monday, March 31, 2008
Fleeting Thoughts for the Auto Biography 2
"Do you really need another slice?" or
"I don't think that's a good idea.."
It was enough. I don't blame her completely. My own head is full of enough neurosis, I can see only I do this to myself. But my life was changed then. Food is everything to me, and has been from that point onwards. I've had phases where I've been all
"Screw you, I'll take two slices please!"
and phases where I've counted calories obsessively, kept food diaries and fidgeted constantly to burn another calorie. Where I've made excuses not to eat with people so I could starve myself.
Banana 80 - 100 calories. Slice of bread 88 calories. Creme egg 200 calories. Always rounding up so I'd overestimate and have to eat less.
Now I mainly salivate over food blogs, and quest for food that tastes good. My only problems is I can't do moderation. I hate and love my body in turn. I seem to have reverse body dysmorphia. I like what I see in the mirror and make an effort, and then I see myself in a photograph and can't reconcile my self image with what I see in the picture. Are the rolls of fat on my back really that big? Where did those breasts come from? Where did this stomach come from?
What will it take for me to actually start looking after this body?
"Strength is the capacity to break a chocolate bar into four pieces with your bare hands - and then eat just one of the pieces." ~Judith Viorst
Fleeting Thoughts for the Auto Biography 2
"Do you really need another slice?" or
"I don't think that's a good idea.."
It was enough. I don't blame her completely. My own head is full of enough neurosis, I can see only I do this to myself. But my life was changed then. Food is everything to me, and has been from that point onwards. I've had phases where I've been all
"Screw you, I'll take two slices please!"
and phases where I've counted calories obsessively, kept food diaries and fidgeted constantly to burn another calorie. Where I've made excuses not to eat with people so I could starve myself.
Banana 80 - 100 calories. Slice of bread 88 calories. Creme egg 200 calories. Always rounding up so I'd overestimate and have to eat less.
Now I mainly salivate over food blogs, and quest for food that tastes good. My only problems is I can't do moderation. I hate and love my body in turn. I seem to have reverse body dysmorphia. I like what I see in the mirror and make an effort, and then I see myself in a photograph and can't reconcile my self image with what I see in the picture. Are the rolls of fat on my back really that big? Where did those breasts come from? Where did this stomach come from?
What will it take for me to actually start looking after this body?
"Strength is the capacity to break a chocolate bar into four pieces with your bare hands - and then eat just one of the pieces." ~Judith Viorst
Sunday, March 30, 2008
Bits of success
Photographs from Facebook by Richard Lewis.
Dress was a success, hopefully someone got a full length one of me where I have my eyes open. I also helped Hannah dress her yellow ball gown so she looked like Belle, and pinned the fake hair I'm removing in the pic above. I love my new red hair and the pincurls that I put in during the ride to Oxfordshire.
Many thanks to Hannah and her family for a fabulous evening. It was excellent.
Bits of success
Photographs from Facebook by Richard Lewis.
Dress was a success, hopefully someone got a full length one of me where I have my eyes open. I also helped Hannah dress her yellow ball gown so she looked like Belle, and pinned the fake hair I'm removing in the pic above. I love my new red hair and the pincurls that I put in during the ride to Oxfordshire.
Many thanks to Hannah and her family for a fabulous evening. It was excellent.
Fleeting Thoughts for the Auto Biography
On Fridays he'd have a McDonalds. You know. When they were cool. It was cheap food I suppose. It's funny what you remember. He'd come back with happy meal toys for Eleanor and I. Especially when it was the Barbie doll or Disney film promotions. Some times he'd have an adult meal and buy two toys seperately. I remember the some of the first ones we got. The Mc Dinos, a plastic happy meal box and cup that were like Transformers. The side of the box had little fold out sections, one for a head and one for a tail, and the handles of the box, those ones that were like the golden arches made the spines of a stegosaurus. The cup opened in halves with a pop up head and a pop out tail in pink, milkshake that had gone jurassic to amuse my sister and I. I remember loking forward to the toys. I don't really remember that Dad had gone, only the times when he was home. Strange, isn't it?
Fleeting Thoughts for the Auto Biography
On Fridays he'd have a McDonalds. You know. When they were cool. It was cheap food I suppose. It's funny what you remember. He'd come back with happy meal toys for Eleanor and I. Especially when it was the Barbie doll or Disney film promotions. Some times he'd have an adult meal and buy two toys seperately. I remember the some of the first ones we got. The Mc Dinos, a plastic happy meal box and cup that were like Transformers. The side of the box had little fold out sections, one for a head and one for a tail, and the handles of the box, those ones that were like the golden arches made the spines of a stegosaurus. The cup opened in halves with a pop up head and a pop out tail in pink, milkshake that had gone jurassic to amuse my sister and I. I remember loking forward to the toys. I don't really remember that Dad had gone, only the times when he was home. Strange, isn't it?
Wednesday, March 19, 2008
Remembering
Remembering. I had this bus. I would read the booklet that came with it over and over again. I would make gates from the top railings for houses when it wasn't a bus.
Remembering
Remembering. I had this bus. I would read the booklet that came with it over and over again. I would make gates from the top railings for houses when it wasn't a bus.
Why things have been a bit slow on the studying front...
I have been making my self a version of the "Shall We Dance" dress from The King and I for my friend's 'Night at the Musicals' themed 21st Birthday party at the end of march. Here it is so far. There will be embellishments, a snood and freshly dyed hair. This follows some other birthday action dressed as SuperTed. Such a studenty life eh?
Why things have been a bit slow on the studying front...
I have been making my self a version of the "Shall We Dance" dress from The King and I for my friend's 'Night at the Musicals' themed 21st Birthday party at the end of march. Here it is so far. There will be embellishments, a snood and freshly dyed hair. This follows some other birthday action dressed as SuperTed. Such a studenty life eh?
Sunday, March 16, 2008
I'm at a loss
I'm at a loss
Wednesday, March 05, 2008
The Gobbet.
History Through Texts in the linga franca of the Near East – Imperial and Biblical Aramaic (c. 900 – 100 BCE): Aramaic 1 - Gobbet Paper.
Qu. 2.
Ezra 4:12-13.
Translation:
Let it be known that to the King that the Judeans that ascended, [came up] from you to us upon Jerusalem, they are building a wicked and rebellious city; they are completing the walls and repairing the foundations. Now, let it be known to the king that if that city will be built and it's walls will be completed, tributes, taxes and duties will not be given, and the kingdom will be destroyed.
These two verses from the book of Ezra are taken from a letter reportedly written by officials or settlers in the Province of Samaria to Persian officials, regarding the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem. Scholars are of the opinion that the change to Aramaic from the Hebrew of the preceding verses shows the author of Ezra using a new source in his writing, the Aramaic Chronicle, from which the Aramaic documents of the book of Ezra are taken. The writers of the letter from which the above is taken were accusing the Judeans of preparing for rebellion against Persia by rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem, and that such an event would lead to the downfall of the Persian Empire as in v.16. The exact dating of this letter is unclear, but if it was at the time of the rebellion of Megabyzus, the satrap of Abar-nahara, Syria, in 448BCE, its requests would have been received by an anxious Persian administration much more inclined to listen. The mention of 'rebellion' מרדתא, would have had a great effect, hence the halting of the building by force in v.23. The exchange of official documents between provinces of this nature is not considered unusual given Herodotus' description of the efficiency of the Persian road system. The normative nature of this communication is further evidenced by the use of the fixed formula 'let it be known' in the extract, which appears twice later in Ezra, in the concluding formula of 4:16, and in 5:8 It also has parallels in the Assyrian formula, 'May the King, my lord know'. Clines also considers the claims of the people of Samaria to be spurious and exaggerated.
However it is unclear from the text exactly which Judeans are rebuilding Jerusalem's walls. The word used here יהודיא , could be taken as meaning the men of Judah specifically, but by this time referred to the returnees from exile in general. The phrase 'from you to us' does not imply returnees from Artaxerxes, merely from Persia, further supporting a more general meaning. There are other words that cause contention, including the phrase 'completing the walls', which seems out of place if the Judeans have not been returned from exile for very long, and is sometimes held to mean 'repairing'. The words מנדה , בלו , and והלךare specific Persian terms, a type of partly voluntary gift, a fixed tax payment and a term referring to the duty owed by vassals. It is likely that these are general terms for the income of the Persian empire.
Qu.5.
Ezra 4:17-18.
Translation:
The message the king sent upon Rahoum , the commander, and Shimshai, the scribe, and the remainder, their associates, that are dwelling in Samaria, and the rest across the Trans Euphrates , "Peace. And now the letter that you sent to us was made distinct, it was read before me.
The extract is taken from a later part of Chapter 4 of Ezra, and is the opening statement of the reply from King Artaxerxes to the people of Samaria who accused the Judeans of rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem in preparation for a revolt. It also contains a sentence introducing the letter. The term used for 'message' is a Persian loan word ,paiti-gāma, which translates as 'which is due to'. It gives the sense of obligation the Persians felt in replying, most likely due to the extent of the allegations in the message from the people of Samaria. Batten hypothesizes that the opening sentence would have originally read "…Artaxerxes the King sent upon Rahoum…" as there is no way of identifying which king is communicating in this extract unless it is taken to be the same king addressed in earlier letters in Ezra 4. The word בעלֿטעםcan also be translated as official, giving the reader some idea of the standing of Rahoum in the community. The greeting literally means 'Peace', but often becomes 'Greetings' in modern biblical translations. The curtness of the opening greeting is an example of a typical opening phrase in a communication between a person of higher status and a person of lower status in this era. There are other contentious words in the passage. 'Their associates' is taken in some translations to mean 'colleagues' or 'companions', which seems to agree with the idea of all these people 'dwelling' together in Samaria.
Moving to the latter part of the extract, issues with the structure arise. Some commentators believe the 'us' to be a royal first person plural personal pronoun. However, it would seem more likely that the 'us' refers to both the king and the government, or the king and his associates, such as scribes and advisors. This would especially be the case when the nature of literacy at the time is taken into account. The letter from the people of Samaria to the king was written by a scribe due to low levels of literacy in the general population, in the language of Aramaic; the diplomatic linga franca of the Persian empire. The extract, in going on to discuss how the message was made distinct before the king, highlights how Aramaic would not have been the first language of the king. 'To make distinct ' could be interpreted as 'translate', something not unusual if Aramaic was the diplomatic language with everyday affairs being broached in Persian. If indeed he spoke Aramaic at all, or could read or write it in any meaningful fashion. The selection does go on to speak of the document being read to the king, not read by him, implying at the very least that he could not read Aramaic.
Qu.6.
Ezra 5:4-5
Translation:
Then accordingly we said to them, 'who are these men that are building this building?' And the eye of their God was upon the elders of the Judeans and they did not cease until the report went to Darius, and then/thereupon it caused them to return a letter concerning this.
Originating from a later chapter in the book of Ezra, these are two very interesting verses. They come from the report sent to Darius by Tattenai, the governor of the Trans-Euphrates, and his associates, who found work begun on the rebuilding of the Judean temple. It is as interesting for the pieces of information that have been left out consciously or unconsciously by the author, as for the contents of the extract itself. In the first sentence, confusion arises over the phrase "we said to them". It is not clear in the preceding verses which party comes to be speaking in the first of these verses, as the first person plural form of the verb makes no sense. Different versions of Ezra over time have included extra information to try and improve the clarity of this sentence. 2 Edras, the Greek Septuagint version of the Ezra text includes the words 'they [the Persians] said to them [the Jews]'. This would seem to be the most obvious way of reading the text as the elders of the Judeans would most likely know which members of their community were involved in the rebuilding of the building in question. Fensham also highlights the possibility that the word אמרנא, 'we said', was a scribal error for אמרהו, 'they said', which supports the argument that it is the Persians speaking to the Judeans.
Work was clearly allowed to continue on the temple, as the Judean builders were not made to cease by their elders until King Darius had written a letter concerning the matter. It can be argued that the author of this extract attributed this pattern of events to the Judeans being in favour with their God. Whilst the phrase 'the eye of their God was upon the elders' sounds somewhat menacing to modern ears, a closer meaning would be that the elders were so favoured that their God was actually looking ; upon them, as Clines writes, events unfolded under God's watchful providence. The mention of the elders overseeing work at the temple also brings up the question of what had happened to Zerubbabel and Jeshua, the leaders named in earlier books of Ezra who pledged to complete the temple. It has been suggested that they had fallen out of favour with the Persian administration or had died. The choice of the elders to continue working until word had come from the King also illustrates how the Judean people lived and worked within the Persian system of administration, being fully aware of its loopholes and foibles.
Qu. 7.
Brooklyn Museum MS 47.218.89
Translation:
Tomorrow or another day, if Ananiah stands up in the assembly and says: "I hate Tammut, my wife", silver of hatred is on his head. He shall give to Tammut 7 shekels of silver and 2/4 and all she brought in her hand, she shall take out from straw until thread. Tomorrow or another day, if Tammut stands up and says "I hate Ananiah, my husband", silver of hatred is on her head. She shall give to Ananiah 7 shekels of silver and 2/4 and all that she brought in her hand, she shall take out from straw to thread.
These two sentences that appear to mirror so carefully the language used by the other come from the marriage contract of Ananiah son of Azariah, a priest of the Judean temple at Elephantine, Egypt to Tammut, a slave girl in the household of Meshullam, son of Zakkur. It is dated as being written on the 9th August 449BCE and is one of three complete marriage contracts from the Elephantine archive. Both Meshullam and Ananiah were considered men of standing in that community. Porten notes how this contract allows the historian to examine the haggling that would have happened during the process of writing such a document over property and money. Part of line 11 in the original papyri, the section regarding Tammut's rights if she instigated the ending the marriage, was erased from the final document. Scholars have pieced together that this clause would have given half of Ananiah's land to Meshullam if he died and left Tammut a widow, which illustrates how although marriage gave Tammut some standing, she was still regarded as a slave. Whilst she can take out all she brought with her, denoted by the idiom 'from straw to thread', Tammut is not free to go as she please should the marriage end. Other Elephantine contracts allow the woman to return to her father's house, or do as she pleases.
She may have still regarded as a slave during her marriage, but the terms of the extract given would appear to accord Tammut the same rights as her husband to end the marriage as she saw fit, and take her dowry with her, being liable to pay the same divorce settlement, or 'silver of hatred', as her husband; a surprising amount of equality for the Ancient Near East at this time. The divorce fine is relatively low compared to other Elephantine marriage contracts, due to Tammut's status as a slave. This parity in marriage contracts can also be seen in other Elephantine documents, leading some scholars to believe that the Elephantine community, whilst identifying themselves as Judean, did not follow the letter of the Deuteronomic law, where only men can seek divorce. The community appears to disregard it in other areas of life, for example in building their own temple in Egypt, and by swearing by other gods in legal documents. A possible reason for this is that they were influenced by the surrounding local Egyptian culture, and this extract can also support this idea. Egyptian customs of the time regarded marriage contracts as formal documents that mainly recorded the transfer or exchange of property, something seen with the erased haggling over land in this piece. Later in this document there is mention of a child that must have been borne to the couple prior to the drawing up of this contract, which suggests cohabitation rather than ceremony being the marker of marriage, much like in contemporary Egyptian practice. Indeed, the word used regarding the end of the marriage, שנאת, shnaht, to hate, conveys a strong sense of rejection, as does its Egyptian synonym mst, also used in marriage contracts. To reject the spouse by announcing your hatred publicly and leaving the family home would end the marriage.
Qu.8.
Brooklyn Museum MS 47.218.90
Translation:
And said Tammut and Jehoshima, her daughter, "We will serve you as a son and daughter will support, maintain their father, in your life and until your death. We will support Zakkur your son, as a son would support his father, in the manner that we have worked, served for you in your life. If we rise up to say we will not to support you in the manner a son will support his father, and Zakkur your son after your death, we shall owe to you and to Zakkur your son, a fine of silver, 50 karsh of royal measure of refined silver, and no suit and no process.
This excerpt is from the manumission of Tammut, the slave girl belonging to Meshullam son of Zakkur, It was written in approximately 427 BCE which is roughly 22 years after she married Ananiah the priest. During this time, she was still considered part of the household of Meshullam, even though she was married. Slaves in Elephantine were something of a commodity, bought, sold and inherited much like land. This document did not free Tammut and her daughter Jehoshima completely; they were only released upon the death of Meshullam and were to live as bondservants during his life time. Rather than being free to do as they pleased, the above excerpt illustrates how they became part of Mesullam's family. They are obliged to support Mesullam as a daughter supports a father. They also effectively become the adoptive sisters of Meshullam's son Zakkur, being obliged to serve him after his father's death in the same manner as they served Meshullam. The word used for the term 'to serve', פלח, is a standard term for the type of service owed by a son to his father and is equal to the Hebrew word עבד, found in Malachi 3:17, "compassion a man spares his son who serves him." Porten argues that he addition of the phrase 'in your life' in the first sentence shows how Tammut and Jehoshima were willing to treat Meshullam as a father, even though their freedom would only come after his death. This can also be used to argue that although slaves were an article of trade in Elephantine, they appear to have been treated with some consideration as human beings, for example Tammut being allowed to marry a free man. Without such consideration it seems unlikely that the slaves would be willing to pledge allegiance as if a member of their owner's family.
In the latter part of the extract, the phrase 'If we rise up' is similar to the phrases found in marriage contracts, 'if Ananiah stands up in front of the assembly.' It is used in Elephantine legal documents to indicate declarations of legal importance, but only when said declarations have a negative connotation. The imposition of the huge fine was undoubtedly to discourage Tammut and Jehoshima from shirking their obligations to Meshullam and his family, much in the way that the 'silver of hatred' in marriage contracts was used to discourage divorce. Compared to the divorce fines of 7 shekels in Tammut's marriage contract, and the 20 karsh fine in the marriage contract of Mibtahiah , the possible fine here seems very large until one considers it is for the freedom of two people, and the value of a lifetime of labour , rather than paying for the departure of a single spouse. Tammut and Jehoshima, if they chose to pay the fine, were unable to recourse to the law to attest its value as the final clause in the extract notes that they were to pay it without suit or process.
Qu.11.
Ezra 5:14-15
Translation:
And also the vessels of the house of God, of gold and silver that Nebuchadnezzar caused the removal of from the temple of Jerusalem, and he brought them to the temple in Babylon, Cyrus took them out from the temple of Babylon and gave them to the one whose name is Shezbozar ,whom he made a governor. And he said to him 'take these vessels and go and put them in the temple in Jerusalem in the house of God, it will be built upon its place.
The extract is taken from a later part of the book of Ezra, and is part of a letter reporting to King Darius, regarding the rebuilding of the Judean temple from Tattenai, governor of Trans Euphrates, Shezbozar and their associates. It records the reply of the Jewish elders when questioned about their right to rebuild the temple by Tattenai. Temple items taken by Nebuchadnezzar in 587/6 BCE as part of the campaign that made Judah part of the Babylonian empire, were returned by Cyrus after the Persian conquest of the Babylonians in approximately 539 BCE. Cyrus decreed the temple should be rebuilt. It is a re-iteration of the promise made by Cyrus in Ezra 1:1-11, that the temple in Jerusalem would be rebuilt, and that the temple items were placed in the care of Shezbozar, who Cyrus had appointed governor, for return to Jerusalem. This sort of re-iteration of previous statements made by earlier Persian administrations by the Judean elders shows recognition of accepted procedure. The Judean elders refer to previous decrees that the Persians had record of in their archives; in doing so, they placed themselves in Persian history, legitimising what they were doing.
Shezbozar, the 'governor' in this passage is referred to in Ezra 1:8 as a prince of Judah. The term governor has many meanings. In Ezra 5:3 it refers to the Persian satrap, and in Nehemiah 5:14, it is used to describe Nehemiah as the governor of a province. The meaning that is the most probable in this situation is that of a royal commissioner entrusted with a distinct task. For someone with clear high standing as a royal commissioner, known as a prince of Judah, it is unusual that he is referred to using the idiom 'the one whose name is Shezbozar', that Clines notes is found when referring to slaves in contemporary literature. It may be that his high standing with the Persians was actually that of an official of slave standing, which fits with the idea of him being someone free to be commissioned to a particular task, rather than a higher ranking official with more responsibility.
The arrangement of the words in Shezbozar's order from Cyrus emphasises that the temple must be rebuilt, as it would have to be standing for the temple vessels to be replaced within it. The order has a number of other possible purposes beside the obvious. It could show Cyrus' complete confidence in the fact his order would be carried out; that the temple would be rebuilt so the vessels could be replaced. The author of the book collating the Persian material could be stressing the continuity of the newly built temple with the old one, 'built upon its place'. It is also interesting to note here that the Persians were often concerned with rebuilding on ancient foundations to authenticate their actions and endear them to their newly conquered citizens, something evidenced by the Cyrus Cylinder. Whilst it does not mention the Judean people explicitly, it puts the return of the exiles and the rebuilding of the temple squarely within the norms of Persian policy.
List of Books, Journals and Websites consulted:
'Explore/Highlights - The Cyrus Cylinder' in 'British Museum-Cyrus Cylinder', <http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/c/cyrus_cylinder.aspx >
L. Archer, (ed.), Women in Ancient Societies, (London: Macmillan, 1994).
L. Batten, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark Ltd, 1980).
D.J. Clines, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, (London: Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1984).
R. S. Ellis, Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia, (New Haven and London: Yale Near Eastern Researches, 1968).
F.C. Fensham, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, (Grand Rapids: William B. Erdmanns Publishing Co., 1984).
D. Freedman, (ed.), The Anchor Bible Dictionary, (New York : Doubleday, 1992).
P. Hallsall, 'Ancient History Sourcebook: Kurash (Cyrus) the Great: The Decree of Return for the Jews, 539 BC' in 'Ancient History Sourcebook' < http://www.fordham.edu/Halsall/ancient/539cyrus1.html> , 12
February 2008.
S. E. Hertz, "To Go and Marry Any Man That You Please": A Study of the Formulaic Antecedents of the Rabbinic Writ of Divorce' in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 60, No. 4. (Oct., 2001).
E. G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic papyri : new documents of the fifth century B.C. from the Jewish colony at Elephantine , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953).
Jona Lendering, 'Megabyzus' in 'Megayzus', < http://www.livius.org/mea-mem/megabyzus/megabyzus02.html>, 12 February 2008.
B. Porten, The Elephantine Papyri in English: three millennia of cross cultural continuity and change, (Leiden, New York: Brill, 1996).
F. Skolnik, (ed.), Encyclopaedia Judaica, (Detroit : Macmillan Reference USA in association with the Keter Pub. House, 2007).
L. Swidler, Women in Judaism : The Status of Women in Formative Judaism, (Metuchen, N.J: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1976).
The Gobbet.
History Through Texts in the linga franca of the Near East – Imperial and Biblical Aramaic (c. 900 – 100 BCE): Aramaic 1 - Gobbet Paper.
Qu. 2.
Ezra 4:12-13.
Translation:
Let it be known that to the King that the Judeans that ascended, [came up] from you to us upon Jerusalem, they are building a wicked and rebellious city; they are completing the walls and repairing the foundations. Now, let it be known to the king that if that city will be built and it's walls will be completed, tributes, taxes and duties will not be given, and the kingdom will be destroyed.
These two verses from the book of Ezra are taken from a letter reportedly written by officials or settlers in the Province of Samaria to Persian officials, regarding the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem. Scholars are of the opinion that the change to Aramaic from the Hebrew of the preceding verses shows the author of Ezra using a new source in his writing, the Aramaic Chronicle, from which the Aramaic documents of the book of Ezra are taken. The writers of the letter from which the above is taken were accusing the Judeans of preparing for rebellion against Persia by rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem, and that such an event would lead to the downfall of the Persian Empire as in v.16. The exact dating of this letter is unclear, but if it was at the time of the rebellion of Megabyzus, the satrap of Abar-nahara, Syria, in 448BCE, its requests would have been received by an anxious Persian administration much more inclined to listen. The mention of 'rebellion' מרדתא, would have had a great effect, hence the halting of the building by force in v.23. The exchange of official documents between provinces of this nature is not considered unusual given Herodotus' description of the efficiency of the Persian road system. The normative nature of this communication is further evidenced by the use of the fixed formula 'let it be known' in the extract, which appears twice later in Ezra, in the concluding formula of 4:16, and in 5:8 It also has parallels in the Assyrian formula, 'May the King, my lord know'. Clines also considers the claims of the people of Samaria to be spurious and exaggerated.
However it is unclear from the text exactly which Judeans are rebuilding Jerusalem's walls. The word used here יהודיא , could be taken as meaning the men of Judah specifically, but by this time referred to the returnees from exile in general. The phrase 'from you to us' does not imply returnees from Artaxerxes, merely from Persia, further supporting a more general meaning. There are other words that cause contention, including the phrase 'completing the walls', which seems out of place if the Judeans have not been returned from exile for very long, and is sometimes held to mean 'repairing'. The words מנדה , בלו , and והלךare specific Persian terms, a type of partly voluntary gift, a fixed tax payment and a term referring to the duty owed by vassals. It is likely that these are general terms for the income of the Persian empire.
Qu.5.
Ezra 4:17-18.
Translation:
The message the king sent upon Rahoum , the commander, and Shimshai, the scribe, and the remainder, their associates, that are dwelling in Samaria, and the rest across the Trans Euphrates , "Peace. And now the letter that you sent to us was made distinct, it was read before me.
The extract is taken from a later part of Chapter 4 of Ezra, and is the opening statement of the reply from King Artaxerxes to the people of Samaria who accused the Judeans of rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem in preparation for a revolt. It also contains a sentence introducing the letter. The term used for 'message' is a Persian loan word ,paiti-gāma, which translates as 'which is due to'. It gives the sense of obligation the Persians felt in replying, most likely due to the extent of the allegations in the message from the people of Samaria. Batten hypothesizes that the opening sentence would have originally read "…Artaxerxes the King sent upon Rahoum…" as there is no way of identifying which king is communicating in this extract unless it is taken to be the same king addressed in earlier letters in Ezra 4. The word בעלֿטעםcan also be translated as official, giving the reader some idea of the standing of Rahoum in the community. The greeting literally means 'Peace', but often becomes 'Greetings' in modern biblical translations. The curtness of the opening greeting is an example of a typical opening phrase in a communication between a person of higher status and a person of lower status in this era. There are other contentious words in the passage. 'Their associates' is taken in some translations to mean 'colleagues' or 'companions', which seems to agree with the idea of all these people 'dwelling' together in Samaria.
Moving to the latter part of the extract, issues with the structure arise. Some commentators believe the 'us' to be a royal first person plural personal pronoun. However, it would seem more likely that the 'us' refers to both the king and the government, or the king and his associates, such as scribes and advisors. This would especially be the case when the nature of literacy at the time is taken into account. The letter from the people of Samaria to the king was written by a scribe due to low levels of literacy in the general population, in the language of Aramaic; the diplomatic linga franca of the Persian empire. The extract, in going on to discuss how the message was made distinct before the king, highlights how Aramaic would not have been the first language of the king. 'To make distinct ' could be interpreted as 'translate', something not unusual if Aramaic was the diplomatic language with everyday affairs being broached in Persian. If indeed he spoke Aramaic at all, or could read or write it in any meaningful fashion. The selection does go on to speak of the document being read to the king, not read by him, implying at the very least that he could not read Aramaic.
Qu.6.
Ezra 5:4-5
Translation:
Then accordingly we said to them, 'who are these men that are building this building?' And the eye of their God was upon the elders of the Judeans and they did not cease until the report went to Darius, and then/thereupon it caused them to return a letter concerning this.
Originating from a later chapter in the book of Ezra, these are two very interesting verses. They come from the report sent to Darius by Tattenai, the governor of the Trans-Euphrates, and his associates, who found work begun on the rebuilding of the Judean temple. It is as interesting for the pieces of information that have been left out consciously or unconsciously by the author, as for the contents of the extract itself. In the first sentence, confusion arises over the phrase "we said to them". It is not clear in the preceding verses which party comes to be speaking in the first of these verses, as the first person plural form of the verb makes no sense. Different versions of Ezra over time have included extra information to try and improve the clarity of this sentence. 2 Edras, the Greek Septuagint version of the Ezra text includes the words 'they [the Persians] said to them [the Jews]'. This would seem to be the most obvious way of reading the text as the elders of the Judeans would most likely know which members of their community were involved in the rebuilding of the building in question. Fensham also highlights the possibility that the word אמרנא, 'we said', was a scribal error for אמרהו, 'they said', which supports the argument that it is the Persians speaking to the Judeans.
Work was clearly allowed to continue on the temple, as the Judean builders were not made to cease by their elders until King Darius had written a letter concerning the matter. It can be argued that the author of this extract attributed this pattern of events to the Judeans being in favour with their God. Whilst the phrase 'the eye of their God was upon the elders' sounds somewhat menacing to modern ears, a closer meaning would be that the elders were so favoured that their God was actually looking ; upon them, as Clines writes, events unfolded under God's watchful providence. The mention of the elders overseeing work at the temple also brings up the question of what had happened to Zerubbabel and Jeshua, the leaders named in earlier books of Ezra who pledged to complete the temple. It has been suggested that they had fallen out of favour with the Persian administration or had died. The choice of the elders to continue working until word had come from the King also illustrates how the Judean people lived and worked within the Persian system of administration, being fully aware of its loopholes and foibles.
Qu. 7.
Brooklyn Museum MS 47.218.89
Translation:
Tomorrow or another day, if Ananiah stands up in the assembly and says: "I hate Tammut, my wife", silver of hatred is on his head. He shall give to Tammut 7 shekels of silver and 2/4 and all she brought in her hand, she shall take out from straw until thread. Tomorrow or another day, if Tammut stands up and says "I hate Ananiah, my husband", silver of hatred is on her head. She shall give to Ananiah 7 shekels of silver and 2/4 and all that she brought in her hand, she shall take out from straw to thread.
These two sentences that appear to mirror so carefully the language used by the other come from the marriage contract of Ananiah son of Azariah, a priest of the Judean temple at Elephantine, Egypt to Tammut, a slave girl in the household of Meshullam, son of Zakkur. It is dated as being written on the 9th August 449BCE and is one of three complete marriage contracts from the Elephantine archive. Both Meshullam and Ananiah were considered men of standing in that community. Porten notes how this contract allows the historian to examine the haggling that would have happened during the process of writing such a document over property and money. Part of line 11 in the original papyri, the section regarding Tammut's rights if she instigated the ending the marriage, was erased from the final document. Scholars have pieced together that this clause would have given half of Ananiah's land to Meshullam if he died and left Tammut a widow, which illustrates how although marriage gave Tammut some standing, she was still regarded as a slave. Whilst she can take out all she brought with her, denoted by the idiom 'from straw to thread', Tammut is not free to go as she please should the marriage end. Other Elephantine contracts allow the woman to return to her father's house, or do as she pleases.
She may have still regarded as a slave during her marriage, but the terms of the extract given would appear to accord Tammut the same rights as her husband to end the marriage as she saw fit, and take her dowry with her, being liable to pay the same divorce settlement, or 'silver of hatred', as her husband; a surprising amount of equality for the Ancient Near East at this time. The divorce fine is relatively low compared to other Elephantine marriage contracts, due to Tammut's status as a slave. This parity in marriage contracts can also be seen in other Elephantine documents, leading some scholars to believe that the Elephantine community, whilst identifying themselves as Judean, did not follow the letter of the Deuteronomic law, where only men can seek divorce. The community appears to disregard it in other areas of life, for example in building their own temple in Egypt, and by swearing by other gods in legal documents. A possible reason for this is that they were influenced by the surrounding local Egyptian culture, and this extract can also support this idea. Egyptian customs of the time regarded marriage contracts as formal documents that mainly recorded the transfer or exchange of property, something seen with the erased haggling over land in this piece. Later in this document there is mention of a child that must have been borne to the couple prior to the drawing up of this contract, which suggests cohabitation rather than ceremony being the marker of marriage, much like in contemporary Egyptian practice. Indeed, the word used regarding the end of the marriage, שנאת, shnaht, to hate, conveys a strong sense of rejection, as does its Egyptian synonym mst, also used in marriage contracts. To reject the spouse by announcing your hatred publicly and leaving the family home would end the marriage.
Qu.8.
Brooklyn Museum MS 47.218.90
Translation:
And said Tammut and Jehoshima, her daughter, "We will serve you as a son and daughter will support, maintain their father, in your life and until your death. We will support Zakkur your son, as a son would support his father, in the manner that we have worked, served for you in your life. If we rise up to say we will not to support you in the manner a son will support his father, and Zakkur your son after your death, we shall owe to you and to Zakkur your son, a fine of silver, 50 karsh of royal measure of refined silver, and no suit and no process.
This excerpt is from the manumission of Tammut, the slave girl belonging to Meshullam son of Zakkur, It was written in approximately 427 BCE which is roughly 22 years after she married Ananiah the priest. During this time, she was still considered part of the household of Meshullam, even though she was married. Slaves in Elephantine were something of a commodity, bought, sold and inherited much like land. This document did not free Tammut and her daughter Jehoshima completely; they were only released upon the death of Meshullam and were to live as bondservants during his life time. Rather than being free to do as they pleased, the above excerpt illustrates how they became part of Mesullam's family. They are obliged to support Mesullam as a daughter supports a father. They also effectively become the adoptive sisters of Meshullam's son Zakkur, being obliged to serve him after his father's death in the same manner as they served Meshullam. The word used for the term 'to serve', פלח, is a standard term for the type of service owed by a son to his father and is equal to the Hebrew word עבד, found in Malachi 3:17, "compassion a man spares his son who serves him." Porten argues that he addition of the phrase 'in your life' in the first sentence shows how Tammut and Jehoshima were willing to treat Meshullam as a father, even though their freedom would only come after his death. This can also be used to argue that although slaves were an article of trade in Elephantine, they appear to have been treated with some consideration as human beings, for example Tammut being allowed to marry a free man. Without such consideration it seems unlikely that the slaves would be willing to pledge allegiance as if a member of their owner's family.
In the latter part of the extract, the phrase 'If we rise up' is similar to the phrases found in marriage contracts, 'if Ananiah stands up in front of the assembly.' It is used in Elephantine legal documents to indicate declarations of legal importance, but only when said declarations have a negative connotation. The imposition of the huge fine was undoubtedly to discourage Tammut and Jehoshima from shirking their obligations to Meshullam and his family, much in the way that the 'silver of hatred' in marriage contracts was used to discourage divorce. Compared to the divorce fines of 7 shekels in Tammut's marriage contract, and the 20 karsh fine in the marriage contract of Mibtahiah , the possible fine here seems very large until one considers it is for the freedom of two people, and the value of a lifetime of labour , rather than paying for the departure of a single spouse. Tammut and Jehoshima, if they chose to pay the fine, were unable to recourse to the law to attest its value as the final clause in the extract notes that they were to pay it without suit or process.
Qu.11.
Ezra 5:14-15
Translation:
And also the vessels of the house of God, of gold and silver that Nebuchadnezzar caused the removal of from the temple of Jerusalem, and he brought them to the temple in Babylon, Cyrus took them out from the temple of Babylon and gave them to the one whose name is Shezbozar ,whom he made a governor. And he said to him 'take these vessels and go and put them in the temple in Jerusalem in the house of God, it will be built upon its place.
The extract is taken from a later part of the book of Ezra, and is part of a letter reporting to King Darius, regarding the rebuilding of the Judean temple from Tattenai, governor of Trans Euphrates, Shezbozar and their associates. It records the reply of the Jewish elders when questioned about their right to rebuild the temple by Tattenai. Temple items taken by Nebuchadnezzar in 587/6 BCE as part of the campaign that made Judah part of the Babylonian empire, were returned by Cyrus after the Persian conquest of the Babylonians in approximately 539 BCE. Cyrus decreed the temple should be rebuilt. It is a re-iteration of the promise made by Cyrus in Ezra 1:1-11, that the temple in Jerusalem would be rebuilt, and that the temple items were placed in the care of Shezbozar, who Cyrus had appointed governor, for return to Jerusalem. This sort of re-iteration of previous statements made by earlier Persian administrations by the Judean elders shows recognition of accepted procedure. The Judean elders refer to previous decrees that the Persians had record of in their archives; in doing so, they placed themselves in Persian history, legitimising what they were doing.
Shezbozar, the 'governor' in this passage is referred to in Ezra 1:8 as a prince of Judah. The term governor has many meanings. In Ezra 5:3 it refers to the Persian satrap, and in Nehemiah 5:14, it is used to describe Nehemiah as the governor of a province. The meaning that is the most probable in this situation is that of a royal commissioner entrusted with a distinct task. For someone with clear high standing as a royal commissioner, known as a prince of Judah, it is unusual that he is referred to using the idiom 'the one whose name is Shezbozar', that Clines notes is found when referring to slaves in contemporary literature. It may be that his high standing with the Persians was actually that of an official of slave standing, which fits with the idea of him being someone free to be commissioned to a particular task, rather than a higher ranking official with more responsibility.
The arrangement of the words in Shezbozar's order from Cyrus emphasises that the temple must be rebuilt, as it would have to be standing for the temple vessels to be replaced within it. The order has a number of other possible purposes beside the obvious. It could show Cyrus' complete confidence in the fact his order would be carried out; that the temple would be rebuilt so the vessels could be replaced. The author of the book collating the Persian material could be stressing the continuity of the newly built temple with the old one, 'built upon its place'. It is also interesting to note here that the Persians were often concerned with rebuilding on ancient foundations to authenticate their actions and endear them to their newly conquered citizens, something evidenced by the Cyrus Cylinder. Whilst it does not mention the Judean people explicitly, it puts the return of the exiles and the rebuilding of the temple squarely within the norms of Persian policy.
List of Books, Journals and Websites consulted:
'Explore/Highlights - The Cyrus Cylinder' in 'British Museum-Cyrus Cylinder', <http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/me/c/cyrus_cylinder.aspx >
L. Archer, (ed.), Women in Ancient Societies, (London: Macmillan, 1994).
L. Batten, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark Ltd, 1980).
D.J. Clines, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, (London: Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1984).
R. S. Ellis, Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia, (New Haven and London: Yale Near Eastern Researches, 1968).
F.C. Fensham, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, (Grand Rapids: William B. Erdmanns Publishing Co., 1984).
D. Freedman, (ed.), The Anchor Bible Dictionary, (New York : Doubleday, 1992).
P. Hallsall, 'Ancient History Sourcebook: Kurash (Cyrus) the Great: The Decree of Return for the Jews, 539 BC' in 'Ancient History Sourcebook' < http://www.fordham.edu/Halsall/ancient/539cyrus1.html> , 12
February 2008.
S. E. Hertz, "To Go and Marry Any Man That You Please": A Study of the Formulaic Antecedents of the Rabbinic Writ of Divorce' in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 60, No. 4. (Oct., 2001).
E. G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic papyri : new documents of the fifth century B.C. from the Jewish colony at Elephantine , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953).
Jona Lendering, 'Megabyzus' in 'Megayzus', < http://www.livius.org/mea-mem/megabyzus/megabyzus02.html>, 12 February 2008.
B. Porten, The Elephantine Papyri in English: three millennia of cross cultural continuity and change, (Leiden, New York: Brill, 1996).
F. Skolnik, (ed.), Encyclopaedia Judaica, (Detroit : Macmillan Reference USA in association with the Keter Pub. House, 2007).
L. Swidler, Women in Judaism : The Status of Women in Formative Judaism, (Metuchen, N.J: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1976).
Sunday, March 02, 2008
Alternative Jerusalems: Seeking the Everyday through Cultural History and Memory.
Alternative Jerusalems: Seeking the Everyday through Cultural History and Memory.
Jerusalem, a city of many people, faiths, nationalities, appears in newspapers, on the television, in holy books, in art, in literature, in film. One tract of land holds the imagination of the world captive. The reasons for this obsession are at the same time both obvious and mysterious. As a place considered holy to the Abrahamic faiths, whilst being somewhat alien to the secular majority of today, religion infiltrates almost every aspect of Jerusalem. To an outsider, the politics of the everyday seem to be coded upon the people of the streets both intrinsically, and obviously.
"Sometimes journalists ventured into West Jerusalem where an aging population of religious Jews in beards and hats and long dresses and wigs formed a backdrop of exotic extras. And the old city itself, the Armenians, the Greek Orthodox, the Lubavitch, the guardians of the Al-Aqsa mosque, everyone planting a stake in this weird piece of contested ground. Everyone was in costume so you could tell straight away what you are supposed to know about how they thought and felt."
This kind of clear distinction of groups is a remnant of Ottoman rule where each "nation" in Jerusalem was required to wear its own costume for ease of identification and administration. However, it will become clear that it is nigh on impossible to rely on such categories in trying to understand life in Jerusalem.
Numerous resources are available to the historian studying Jerusalem. Its contested sacred and political status has lead to a gamut of texts on both its religious and political significance in history, trying to explain why people were "planting a stake in this weird piece of…ground." However, another less studied strand of historical material slowly becomes apparent. This strand has more to do with the personal experience of the people of Jerusalem. As with any city, there is something tangible that binds its inhabitants together. This is something that Teddy Kolleck, the Mayor of Jerusalem from 1965 - 1993, although not a native Jerusalemite, clearly felt.
"Sometimes, in the company of true, veteran Jerusalemites, I still feel like a "newcomer" to the city. These native born Jerusalemites share a special bond, a kinship of memories no outsider can comprehend…The threads that bind Jerusalemites to their city are firmly woven into an urban tapestry unique to Jerusalem."
He goes on to recount how the particular mix of "seventh generation residents" and newcomers from around the world add to this particular Jerusalem feeling. Residents of Jerusalem have tried to capture this sense of Jerusalem through memoirs, art, film and more modern media such as weblogs. This production of representation is part of what is sometimes called 'collective memory' by modern academics.
This essay will examine the problems faced by historians who have to combine this sort of more personal material that could be considered historical by nature, types of cultural history, with the more traditional history based in facts relating to politics and religion in order to write comprehensive histories of Jerusalem. In doing this, it will also consider the wider issues surrounding the use of this 'kinship of memories'. It will explore a range of case studies in these areas and try and uncover what these devices were trying to achieve through remembering Jerusalem in their own particular fashion.
Susan A. Crane writes that
"Perhaps the most banal thing that could be said about history, in general, is that "it happened" or something happened."
She goes on to explain that history is more than just the events of the past that are recorded; it also includes products produced about it both in the past and now. These products stand alongside the received recordings of events as a historical consciousness available to future and contemporary generations. When considering the history of Jerusalem, there are plenty of 'happenings'. The world is aware of its chronology, how the city changed hands over the centuries, how it is fought over both in the past and daily in the present. Indeed, there are 828 books in the University of Southampton Library that are related to such events, happenings, and Jerusalem itself. Furthermore, there is an overwhelming 'collective memory' surrounding Jerusalem that often expands upon or contradicts these 'happenings.' The banal history would record that Jerusalem was divided in 1948 at the end of the Arab – Israeli War, was captured by Israel in 1967 by the Six Day War, and formally reunited in 1980. The 'collective memory' of these events, and the cultural historical products inspired by them, create a more human picture of Jerusalem, showing the thoughts, feelings, and opinions of the people that were involved. Material is also available that records ironically banal happenings, everyday lives and experiences.
An example of this would be the poem 'Everyday Life' by Yehuda Amichai.
"Once I sat on the steps by a gate at David's Tower
I placed my two heavy baskets at my side.
A group of tourists was standing around
their guide and I became their marker.
"You see that man with the baskets?
Just right of his head there's an arch from
the Roman period. Just right of his head."
I said to myself: redemption will come only if
their guide tells them, "You see that Arch from
the Roman period? It's not important, but next to it,
left and down a bit, there sits a man
who's bought fruit and vegetables for his family.
This poem provides a slightly wider window into what life is like for the residents of Jerusalem. As a place full of pilgrims, both religious and secular, steeped in history and tradition the everyday seems irrelevant. Amos Elon writes of tourists and pilgrims becoming over whelmed by a so called 'Jerusalem Syndrome', the shock of the bustle and tension in the city. For Jerusalem is still a place where, as Amichai wrote, people buy fruit and vegetables for their families. The book To Live in Jerusalem, published by the Israel Museum in Jerusalem shows some of this normality, trying to create a historical consciousness of mundane life in Jerusalem with plates that show living rooms and kitchens. Natalie Zemon Davis and Randolf Stern vouch for this sort of use of memory materials;
"The collision of memories points to the way in which memory can challenge the biases, omissions, exclusions, generalizations and abstractions of history."
Nonetheless, Wulf Kansteiner warns of the inherent problems of 'collective memory' material. As Crane states it "expresses a sense of the continual presence of the past." Whilst historians can use this type of material, even deeper questions must be asked about its provenance.
"It can take hold of historically and socially remote events but it often privileges the interests of the contemporary. It is as much a result of conscious manipulation as unconscious absorption and it is always mediated."
Much as history itself can be said to be written by the victors, collective memory material in expressing the past in the present day can be used subjectively. The book To Live in Jerusalem is published under the auspices of the Israel Museum and so could be considered part of the Israeli establishment. It is endorsed by a longstanding mayor of the City. It is the work of leading academics. Its creation was supported by research funds. This could hardly be called the work of the everyman. Whilst it provides a starting point for understanding the everyday lives of Jerusalemites, for example explaining briefly that ultra-Orthodox families tend not to have furniture that would serve the purpose of a sofa or settee, due to the Orthodox way of life leaving no place for leisure, the reader can gather little sense of what the people who lived in those rooms felt or thought about life in the city. There is little or no mention of conflict, the book trying to create a historical consciousness of calm home life to pass onto future generations. The book is perhaps trying to perpetuate only part of Crane's 'continual presence of the past', the part of it that the editors of the book deem acceptable, 'privileging the interests of the contemporary.'
One can apply this same way of thinking to Yehuda Amichai's poem. One could argue that the Israeli government neglects the needs of the population in order to pander to tourists using this poem. Or that Jerusalemites feel overwhelmed when living in such historical surroundings, that they are always living with Cranes's continual presence of the pasts. A Jerusalemite may well agree with both or one of these sentiments, but that does not mean they are true, historically or otherwise. The type of material that is being processed here is much less tangible. It should be stressed that it is thoughts, feelings, people trying to make sense of the world that they exist in. It is useful at this point to consider the ideas of Clifford Geertz, the anthropologist. He considers cultural history to be people trying to make sense of their worlds through the creation of cultural products. Furthermore he considers it to be cultural reproduction, third hand ideas being rediscovered by each passing generation. One must be aware that in working with cultural historical material we are not necessarily accessing the reality of that person, but ideas that they had as individuals. These ideas will have necessarily been affected by the society in which the person was living.
In the rich vein of cultural material available to the historian of Jerusalem, a new type of source has emerged, which helpfully illustrates the ideas of Geertz. The blog as a phenomenon has taken over the internet over the last 5 years, with large companies using the easily updatable format to inform customers about news and special offers, to travellers writing online travel journals, to special interest logs giving in-depth personal accounts on specific topics from crafts to politics. Jerusalem, and the Middle East in general, are popular topics for blogs. Within the cyber pages of these blogs the historian can analyse both the cultural history of Jerusalem and the thoughts and feelings of people who live in all parts of the city.
As previously stated, as a source they are far from being "unmediated and unself-conscious". Nevertheless, they can afford valuable insight, much in the way memoirs and diaries have done in former eras, which will be explored later in this essay. Due to the volatile nature of life in Jerusalem, they can help the historian understand how political and religious ideas disseminate through groups of people, and manifest in cultural products. Also, the accessible nature of 'blogging' makes online writings from across the spectrum of groups living in Jerusalem easy to find, whereas memoirs and diaries from the Israeli and/or Jewish perspective, written in English, have a greater status, market and, therefore, availability than those from other groups who live in the city.
An example of the usefulness of blogs to the historian can be seen when comparing the particular experiences of different groups. People are apt to write about even the most mundane details of their lives including mealtimes, commutes and shopping habits. These are individual memories unique to a person and not contextualised in the public sphere. The style, form and content are not formalised. However, they are public manifestations of these individual memories, and so provide the platform to shape perception of the past. In a post entitled "Gentrification is Yummy", Jewish lifestyle blog "Jewlicious.com" comments positively about the improved night life in its neighbourhood. Laila El-Haddad in stark contrast talks about the difficulties of meeting her friend from the Gaza strip. Both give a sense of trying to record something about their social lives for posterity, (though "Jewlicious.com" takes a far more frivolous tone). This can be related to the ideas of Pierre Nora.
"When memory is no longer everywhere it will not be anywhere unless one takes the responsibility to recapture it through individual means"
However this is more evident in the work of Haddad, who clearly experiences a sense of injustice and feels it's her responsibility to "recapture" this through her individual means.
Her post also provides a good example of the average person manipulating the past to influence the present. By recounting the difficulties experienced by her friend when travelling she hopes to make the internet reading public aware of the plight of Palestinians who wish to travel freely through Israel.
Much in the way blogging can be the public manifestation of individual memory, such a label could be given to other cultural material produced in a non-academic setting. Art poses a special problem to the historian;
"We do not explain pictures: we explain remarks about pictures - or rather, we explain pictures in so far as we have considered them under some verbal description or specification."
Historians cannot literally talk in pictures, they are often rendered inaccessible due to the language of symbolism. One can argue, especially relating to Jerusalem that Art is perhaps the most subjective of memory materials. Whilst expressing the continual presence of the past, the artwork is the recording of what the artist thought of the past rather than what he literally saw visually. However, it is for this very reason that Art is a wonderful source for historians. For alongside perhaps creating representations of events it can encompass the memories of how the artist felt at a certain moment emotionally. The ability to introduce elements of non-reality can help the artist portray the essence of a place or moment in time.
The portrayal of Jerusalem in Art is a good example of how cultural memory becomes the self-image of the group that identifies with the Art. The work of Christian artists in the Nineteenth century displays quite clearly their view on Jerusalem. In the work of Eric Gill, the simple wood cut of 'Epiphany, Palm Sunday and Adam and Eve' has Christ entering Jerusalem on a donkey as detailed in the Bible, but Jerusalem is represented by a simple castellated line and not much more.
In Henryk Siemiradzki's sketch for a cathedral ceiling, 'Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem' the dusty walls of Jerusalem become a mere neutral background for the Biblical action played out in front of it.
The two pictures, whilst separated both by years and artistic schools, nevertheless both portray the same attitude to Jerusalem. The place becomes unimportant; what matters to both of these artists is the coming of Christ in glory on Palm Sunday. This is in direct contrast to the work of artists who have lived or worked in Jerusalem. It seems that those with experience of the city respond very differently. Ivan Schwebel layers biblical images over intricately drawn realist pictures of Jerusalem. On the surface, the historian could consider these to be of the same school as the Christian artist previously discussed, placing biblical narratives in surroundings that mirrored their own. However, because Schwebel has first hand experience of the city, his collages of modern and biblical scenes are more potent because they reflect his feelings about the city. Considering his work, A Judean hill enters Zion square from the rear, current events at the time of creating the painting, (the war with Lebanon in 1982), influenced what he chose to record in his art, and how he felt about these events and where they sat in the history of Jerusalem. This can be seen in his notebooks from the time;
"OIL PAINT AT WAR –Summer 1982
Am I prepared for this war?
Required: image-making implements.
I trim the trees on this mountain for a starter, and build terraces to hold up house and studio. Rains needed. I pray for them. But I am not prepared for this war. I made no paints this year, not even acrylics but scratch with pastel bits that blow away. Better grease the armour with oil paint. Let's see, alizarin crimson is the storm colour. You get wet but you don't get chilly.
June 18' 82
Lebanon battles! The war zone extends to Zion square. The Judean hills are released and devastate the square, devastate the Zion."
It is relatively rare that such material relating to a painting is available to the historian. Whilst it is admittedly not the most transparent source, it illuminates part of the alternative Jerusalem, only accessible to one who lived there. Other parts of Schwebel's work show how the religious and historical nature of Jerusalem pervades in almost every part of life there, the largest part of the Jerusalem experience, much like what is addressed by Yehuda Amichai's poem discussed earlier. They are works that attempt to solve the problem of living in Jerusalem by showing feelings and ideas alongside reality. The historian through writing about art can see this answer provided by the artist and use it to help explain life in Jerusalem
Another example of art by Jerusalemites is the work of Motke Blum. His works are more ethereal, focusing on the distinctive landscapes of Jerusalem other than its busy street scenes. The dusty scenes created from heavily layered impasto paint again capture something of what Blum must feel about the city. The abstracted images of the landscape create a sense of timelessness and eternity. The at once timeless but changing architecture and landscape of Jerusalem can also be considered 'cultural material' suitable for study. It is singularly important to the Jewish community of Jerusalem, as James Parkes writes;
" The history of a community cannot be divorced from its geographical - historical setting…. The setting was Palestine during the whole of the formative period of Judaism - hence its unique place in Jewish thought."
The physical fabric of Jerusalem is deeply woven into the historical consciousness of the place. The aged stones were the subject of countless battles, and the strength of paternalistic feeling towards the material framework is readily evidenced in other types of memory material besides art.
"Prime Minister Rabin stood on the stage erected ….at the recently opened archaeological park in "David's City" and declared: "Jerusalem is the celebration of the glory of the Jewish people from the day it was created in the Image of God. She is its heart and the apple of its eye; and our festivities here today are only meant to once again elevate Jerusalem 'above our chiefest joy', as was the custom of our fathers and forefathers."
The description above recounts a celebration marking the 3000th anniversary of Jerusalem being named the capital of the Kingdom of Israel, illustrating the force of the relationship between Israel and the city. It could be argued that events of this type are used by the Israeli government to add further authentication and legitimacy to its claims to the city in the eyes of its populace. Through emphasising the Jewish history of the city at acts of collective remembrance and celebration, the government is attaching ideas and rhetoric to distinctive sites that are profoundly embedded in the memories of the populace as places of timeless appeal. This provides the historian with the opportunity to study another 'alternative Jerusalem', an officially remembered Jerusalem with parallels with To Live in Jerusalem.
A further example of the importance of the physicality of Jerusalem to collective memory can be seen in the responses created by her Palestinian inhabitants. Strongly influenced by the struggle for land, material descriptions are focused on a simpler, more rural setting around the outskirts of the city. Ahmad Harb comments on how the city of Jerusalem becomes representative of the Palestinian homeland in Palestinian novels, inseparable from the land which it inhabits. This use of Jerusalem as a metaphor is also seen in the memoirs of Suad Amiry, Sharon and My Mother in Law. When describing her niece's first visit to the city, there is a strong focus on the physical presence of Arab East Jerusalem, as she was "intentionally avoiding pointing out Jewish settlements". Amiry is emphasising her ideas that there is a Palestinian/Arab claim on Jerusalem and the land it is built on.
Examining memoirs of Jerusalem further, other problems related to the use of memory based material as a historical source become apparent. Memoirs are in part personal, individual, memory material. They are not objective, nor did necessarily accurate, creating much of the same issues as those encountered when using blogs as a source. In the act of remembering past events, the author of a memoir can choose to omit details or romanticise events. Memory is subjective and easily manipulated, deteriorating with time. They are as interesting for what they do not record as for what makes it past the publishers onto their pages. In Linda Grant's memoir about her time living in Israel, The People on the Street: A Writer's View of Israel, her memories of Jerusalem are very different from that of Amiry. She returns to the theme discussed previously of the inseparability of Jerusalem life from its religious and historical connotations. It barely considers the lifestyles of Palestinians, much as the work of Amiry glosses over the lives of the Jewish community. This sort of very focused view point seems to be very much part of the Jerusalem experience. Alex Weingrod and Michael Romann describe a day when an Islamic and a Jewish festival fell on the same day in Jerusalem;
"The Israelis were unaware of the Muslim observance, just as the Arabs ignored the Israeli holiday. The Israeli press did not even mention the Muslim celebration, just as the Jerusalem Arab newspapers did not mention Yom Yerushalayim. So close to one another in actual physical space, the two groups seemed to be on different planets.
And yet, during that day - just as one practically all other days of the year - most residents of Jerusalem , Jews and Arabs alike, went about their usual daily affairs. "
This short extract shows how each group that day were centred on their own views, and part of the problem faced by historians when using memory material that is written from such distinctive viewpoints. During the recording of events the writers make conscious and unconscious decisions on what to record from the vast resources available to them, discarding information that may not suit their ideals, much as the different newspapers in the extract ignored the festivals of the other groups, and the writers of the memoirs only consider ideas that suit them. The publishing houses may have had an influence on the content of each of these memoirs, censoring and editing to make each memoir more appealing to their target audiences, polarising the views expressed within. This weakness is also part of the strength of the memoir. In being so focused on a specific time period, or an aspect of life, they are more detailed and useful to the specialist historian than blogs could be, allowing the reader to enter a definite part of the lives of the authors.
The unique privilege that cultural memory materials afford the historian in general cannot be ignored. The examples explored here have shown how the insights given by such material into the lives and indeed the minds of the creators provide much colour and illustration to the traditional style of writing history. History is more than just the past recorded for posterity. The continual presence of this past in the now, the historical consciousness that steadily influences the collective memory of events relies on cultural memory material. When considering a place so politically volatile and religiously significant as Jerusalem the use of cultural memory material can help the historian explore parts of its past that may have been otherwise silenced by those in power, and thus prevented from becoming part of the standard corpus of historical material. Being able to access such personal material as artworks, memoirs and blogs allows the historian to use the thoughts and feelings of real people in their work alongside the recorded versions of events to write a fresh holistic type of history. As Weingrod wrote:
"History presumably refers to what is undeniably known about the past, whereas "collective memory" and "personal memory" emphasizes how the past is shaped or constructed in different ways by groups and individuals. This view undoubtedly appeals to our lingering post-modern sensibility: it leads us to see that there is no single truth, but rather varied interpretations that ultimately spring from power and interest. It represents the final triumph of the "inverted commas".
The 'alternative' Jerusalems of the title may not be obvious at first, but the varied and rich cultural memory material produced about the city, and the ways in which they have been interpreted, are a valuable resource in trying to understand the distinctive and wide-ranging experiences of Jerusalem throughout the ages.
Words: 4106.
Bibliography
Amichai, Y., Abramson, G., and Parfitt, T., (Manchester: Carncanet Press, 1997).
Amiry, S., Sharon and my Mother in Law Ramallah Diaries, (London: Granta Books, 2005).
Baxandall, M., Patterns of Intention: On the Historical Explanation of Pictures, (New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 1985).
Crane, S.A., 'Writing the Individual Back into Collective Memory' in The American Historical Review, Vol. 102, No. 5. (Dec., 1997).
Elon, A., Jerusalem: City of Mirrors, (London: Weindenfeld and Nicholson, 1990)
Gillis, J.R., Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
Goldman, S., Jerusalem in Jewish Life and Tradition, (London: Council for Christian- Jewish Understanding, 1970).
Gonan, R., and Kroyanker, D., To Live in Jerusalem, (Jerusalem: The Israel Museum, 1993).
Grant, L., The People on the Street: A Writer's View of Israel, (London: Virago Press, 2006).
Harb, A. 'Representations of Jerusalem in the modern Palestinian novel' in Arab Studies Quarterly, (Summer 2004).
Hunt, L., (ed.), The New Cultural History, (Berkley: University of California Press, 1989).
Kansteiner, W., 'Finding Meaning in Memory: A Methodological Critique of Collective Memory Studies' in History and Theory, Vol. 41, No.2. (May 2002).
Romann, M. and Weingrod, A., Living Together Separately; Arabs and Jews in Contemporary Jerusalem, (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991).
Schwebel, I., Jerusalem - Tel Aviv, (Jerusalem: Aviva Publications, 1989).
Tai, H. H., 'Remembered Realms: Pierre Nora and French: National Memory' in The American Historical Review 106.3 (2001).
Weingrod, A., 'How Israeli Culture Was Constructed: Memory, History and the Israeli Past', Israel Studies, Vol. 2, No.1., (1997).
Wilson, E. and Blum, M., Jerusalem: reflection of eternity, (London: Shepheard-Walwyn, 1990).
Zemon Davis, N., and Stern, R., 'Introduction' in Representations, No. 26, Special Issue: Memory and Counter-Memory. (Spring, 1989).
Webography
Blum, M., 'Motke Blume – Painter and Artist', <http://www.motke.com/> 9th Jan 2007.
Bogner, D., '[Waste] My Time… [spend] your money' in 'Treppenwitz', <http://bogieworks.blogs.com/treppenwitz/2007/10/index.html>, 8th October 2007.
C.K., 'Gentrification is Yummy' in 'Jewlicious.com', <http://www.jewlicious.com/?p=3881>, 5th November 2007.
Cone. E., 'The Rise of the Blog' in 'CIO Insight', <http://www.cioinsight.com/article2/0,1540,1786020,00.asp,> 19th November 2007.
Corbett, B., 'Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History' in 'Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History', <http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/bookreviews/trouillot.htm> , 4th February 2008.
El-Haddad, L., 'from East Jerusalem to Durham' in 'Raising Yousuf, Unplugged: diary of a
Palestinian mother' < http://a-mother-from-gaza.blogspot.com/search?q=jerusalem> 4th Feb 2008.
Gill, E., 'Epiphany, Palm Sunday, and Adam & Eve' in 'Tate Collection| Epiphany, Palm Sunday and Adam and Eve by Eric Gill',
<http://www.tate.org.uk/servlet/ViewWork?cgroupid=999999961&workid=5236&searchid=4721&tabview=image >, 16th January 2008.
Plummer, R., 'Business bites the blogging bullet' in 'BBC News', <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/4879160.stm>, 19th November 2007.
Schwebel, I., 'The Angel of Death' in 'Schwebel- David's Journey- Zion Square- Enlarged'
< http://www.schwebelpaints.com/David/ZionSquare/Max/David-Zion10-Max6.htm >, 16th January 2008.
Siemiradzki, H., 'Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem.'
Sketch for the fresco of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow. 1876. In 'Henryk Siemiradzki Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem- Olga's Gallery',
< http://www.abcgallery.com/S/semiradsky/semiradsky33.html > January 16th 2008.
University of Southampton Web Cat
< http://www-lib.soton.ac.uk/uhtbin/cgisirsi/XxJzadzUR1/HARTLEY/263250138/123> 19th November 2007.
Filmography
The Holy Land, Dir. Eitan Gorlin, Arts Alliance America, 2001.
Appendix A.
'Everyday Life' by Yehuda Amichai.
"Once I sat on the steps by a gate at David's Tower
I placed my two heavy baskets at my side.
A group of tourists was standing around
their guide and I became their marker.
"You see that man with the baskets?
Just right of his head there's an arch from
the Roman period. Just right of his head."
I said to myself: redemption will come only if
their guide tells them, "You see that Arch from
the Roman period? It's not important, but next to it,
left and down a bit, there sits a man
who's bought fruit and vegetables for his family.
Yehuda Amichai, translated by Glenda Abramson, and Tudor Parfitt, (Manchester: Carncanet Press, 1997)
Appendix B.
November 5th, 2007 by ck
When I first moved to my apartment located in the heart of the Jerusalem Market, I lived above no less than 4 "Mizrachi" style bars. ach would be open till late at night and the entertainment consisted of really loud singalongs of classic Moroccan and Iraqi musical scores. At first it was kind of charming but I soon grew weary of the drunken brawls and the total absence of quiet. I was certain that if I heard another rowdy rendition of "Shalom Leh Ben Dodi" accompanied by darbouka I would kill someone…. and this is coming from someone who likes Mizrachi music. But as Jerusalem becomes safer and safer, and as random terrorism becomes a distant historical footnote, real estate values have started to escalate and my once predominantly Sephardic neighborhood has seen a growing number of paler skinned interlopers.
There are now a number of chichi bars in the 'hood, the big growth industry here is capuccino serving cafes and while I was Thailand, one of the rowdy bars closed down and an Indian vegetarian joint rose in its stead. Now there are only 2 rowdy bars outside my window. But I am glad that my usual fare of rice stuffed peppers from Rachmo can be supplemented with the really savory, reasonably priced fare available at Ichikidana - the aforementioned Indian veggie place. Now I don't know anything about Indian food - but whatever the hell I ate was yummy. It was a big plate of vegetable goop, rice and yogurt and this flat bread I guess they call Nan. The owners were pleasant, the service was good and I couldn't help but notice these dirty Israeli hippies who I imagine spent a lot of time in India after their army service, nod in approval - which is a good thing because they would know, right?
So next time you're in the shuk - give these guys a spin. They are on 4 Ha-Eshkol street just off the open shuk area by the pita guys across from Rachmo and they are Kosher Leh Mehadrin though when was the last time you saw a Haredi guy eating Indian food? I don't know, but you can't eat Marzipan Rugelach all the time.
From Jewlicious.com
Appendix C.
Laila El-Haddad 'from East Jerusalem to Durham' in 'Raising Yousuf, Unplugged: diary of a Palestinian mother' <
http://a-mother-from-gaza.blogspot.com/search?q=jerusalem>
Sahar is from East Jerusalem. I am from Gaza. Our cities are about an hour away (without interruption). But now, ironically, due to Israeli closure policies banning Palestinians on either side of the divide from travelling to each other's locales, the only place we could meet was Durham, North Carolina, not Gaza; not East Jerusalem; not even Ramallah.
Sahar is a field officer with the Red Cross, here for a few months on a program at Duke. We had lunch the other day with a mutual Israeli friend and rotary fellow at UNC.
Sahar carries an East Jerusalem ID card. I carry a Gaza ID card. this means I am not allowed to cross Erez to visit Sahar in Jerusalem or the West Bank, and she cannot cross over to visit me in Gaza.
The Jerusalem ID is particularly precarious because the Israeli government makes it extremly difficult for Palestinians residents of East Jerusalem to maintain their residency there and thus their status through a series of draconian laws that are not applicable to the city's Jewish residents.
It is part of a decades old policy of maintaining the Jewish majority in Jerusalem by a ratio of 73.5% to 26.5% to reduce the Palestinian presence in the city. These measures included the controlling and revoking identity card holders inside the city for not paying things like "TV taxes" on time or being present at the residency address on a consistent basis (made more difficult by the wall and other restrictions faced by residents).
Students who continued to study long years abroad have also had their ID cards revoked. Palestinians who married and stayed abroad lost their right to be residents of the city. One Palestinian from Jerusalem I met last year is married to a Ramallah resident (who are also now not allowed into the city) and because she has lost her Jerusalem residency has to sneak in and out of the city to visit her parents.
One woman in an article I wrote a couple of years back explained it well:
"Our occupation is of a different kind than in the West Bank or Gaza," said Huda al-Imam, director of the Centre for Jerusalem Studies at al-Quds University.
"It has a clear strategy of annexing the land of East Jerusalem while not annexing the people, but transferring them," she added.
"I have a difficult time explaining my legal status to people, even Israelis- I am not a citizen of Israel and at the same time I do not carry a Palestinian Authority passport (all signs of Palestinian nationhood are banned in Jersualem, including flags). I carry an Israeli 'travel document' but this does not entitle us t any of the rights or services that citizens get."
The idea is, Israel wants East Jerusalem, but does not want its people. Bad for both its economy, and for its demography.
That is one of the reasons they made sure their viscious Wall last year cut through neigbhorhoods of East Jerusalem, cutting off nearly 150, 000 Jerusalemites from their schools, hospitals, and work in Jerusalem. Eventually the journey across the checkpoints and through the Wall may become too arduous, it is hoped, and they will move out of Jerusalem altogether into the West Bank.
"Its like a force of habit-people reach for cigarettes, I reach for my hawia (ID card), even here in the US," joked Sahar.
Jerusalem is the main exit for the north-south link in Palestine, from Bethlehem to Ram Allah, and from northern West Bank to southern West Bank.
"It's very strange that Israel is so much more preoccupied with creating more settlements than providing any service for legal residents and it's equally amazing Israel wants to overcrowd a very important world heritage that is under threat and has been defined as such by Unesco," remarked former Palestinian minister of Jerusalem Affairs, in an interview with me last year, in reference to the Israeli Muncipality's approval of new Jewish housing units in the Muslim Quarter of the City near the Dome of the Rock at the time.
Khoury went on to describe what it means to have a Jerusalem ID:
"As Jerusalemites, in 1967 when we were occupied by Israel, we were given identity cards to indicate that we are residents of the city. But we are not citizens of Israel - simply residents.
As residents, we are given permanent residency if we stay in the city, and if our centre of life is in the city. But if we live outside of city for seven years, then we have no right to come back.
In practice, it works differently. Students - including my son - who were away for two continuous years, came back to find their driver's licence and insurance cancelled.
Palestinians are treated as residents if they stay in Jerusalem, but many Jerusalemites found themselves in diaspora and couldn't come back, nor their children. These Palestinians have no right to come to Jerusalem."
Appendix D
Ivan Schwebel, 'A Judean Hill enters Zion Square from the rear', (1982), in Jerusalem - Tel Aviv, (Jerusalem: Aviva Publications, 1989), p.30.
Appendix E
Henryk Siemiradzki. 'Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem.' Sketch for the fresco of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, 1876, in 'Henryk Siemiradzki Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem- Olga's Gallery',
< http://www.abcgallery.com/S/semiradsky/semiradsky33.html > January 16th 2008.
Appendix F
Eric Gill, 'Epiphany, Palm Sunday, and Adam & Eve' in 'Tate Collection| Epiphany, Palm Sunday and Adam and Eve by Eric Gill',
<http://www.tate.org.uk/servlet/ViewWork?cgroupid=999999961&workid=5236&searchid=4721&tabview=image >, 16th January 2008.
Appendix G
Motke Blum, 'Walls at Sunset' in 'Motke Blume – Painter and Artist', <http://www.motke.com/oil/oil_show/images/walls%20at%20sunset.jpg > , 1st February 2008.