Sunday, March 02, 2008

Alternative Jerusalems: Seeking the Everyday through Cultural History and Memory.


 

Alternative Jerusalems: Seeking the Everyday through Cultural History and Memory.

Jerusalem, a city of many people, faiths, nationalities, appears in newspapers, on the television, in holy books, in art, in literature, in film. One tract of land holds the imagination of the world captive. The reasons for this obsession are at the same time both obvious and mysterious. As a place considered holy to the Abrahamic faiths, whilst being somewhat alien to the secular majority of today, religion infiltrates almost every aspect of Jerusalem. To an outsider, the politics of the everyday seem to be coded upon the people of the streets both intrinsically, and obviously.

"Sometimes journalists ventured into West Jerusalem where an aging population of religious Jews in beards and hats and long dresses and wigs formed a backdrop of exotic extras. And the old city itself, the Armenians, the Greek Orthodox, the Lubavitch, the guardians of the Al-Aqsa mosque, everyone planting a stake in this weird piece of contested ground. Everyone was in costume so you could tell straight away what you are supposed to know about how they thought and felt."

This kind of clear distinction of groups is a remnant of Ottoman rule where each "nation" in Jerusalem was required to wear its own costume for ease of identification and administration. However, it will become clear that it is nigh on impossible to rely on such categories in trying to understand life in Jerusalem.

Numerous resources are available to the historian studying Jerusalem. Its contested sacred and political status has lead to a gamut of texts on both its religious and political significance in history, trying to explain why people were "planting a stake in this weird piece of…ground." However, another less studied strand of historical material slowly becomes apparent. This strand has more to do with the personal experience of the people of Jerusalem. As with any city, there is something tangible that binds its inhabitants together. This is something that Teddy Kolleck, the Mayor of Jerusalem from 1965 - 1993, although not a native Jerusalemite, clearly felt.


 

"Sometimes, in the company of true, veteran Jerusalemites, I still feel like a "newcomer" to the city. These native born Jerusalemites share a special bond, a kinship of memories no outsider can comprehend…The threads that bind Jerusalemites to their city are firmly woven into an urban tapestry unique to Jerusalem."

He goes on to recount how the particular mix of "seventh generation residents" and newcomers from around the world add to this particular Jerusalem feeling. Residents of Jerusalem have tried to capture this sense of Jerusalem through memoirs, art, film and more modern media such as weblogs. This production of representation is part of what is sometimes called 'collective memory' by modern academics.

    This essay will examine the problems faced by historians who have to combine this sort of more personal material that could be considered historical by nature, types of cultural history, with the more traditional history based in facts relating to politics and religion in order to write comprehensive histories of Jerusalem. In doing this, it will also consider the wider issues surrounding the use of this 'kinship of memories'. It will explore a range of case studies in these areas and try and uncover what these devices were trying to achieve through remembering Jerusalem in their own particular fashion.

    Susan A. Crane writes that


 

"Perhaps the most banal thing that could be said about history, in general, is that "it happened" or something happened."


 

She goes on to explain that history is more than just the events of the past that are recorded; it also includes products produced about it both in the past and now. These products stand alongside the received recordings of events as a historical consciousness available to future and contemporary generations. When considering the history of Jerusalem, there are plenty of 'happenings'. The world is aware of its chronology, how the city changed hands over the centuries, how it is fought over both in the past and daily in the present. Indeed, there are 828 books in the University of Southampton Library that are related to such events, happenings, and Jerusalem itself. Furthermore, there is an overwhelming 'collective memory' surrounding Jerusalem that often expands upon or contradicts these 'happenings.' The banal history would record that Jerusalem was divided in 1948 at the end of the Arab – Israeli War, was captured by Israel in 1967 by the Six Day War, and formally reunited in 1980. The 'collective memory' of these events, and the cultural historical products inspired by them, create a more human picture of Jerusalem, showing the thoughts, feelings, and opinions of the people that were involved. Material is also available that records ironically banal happenings, everyday lives and experiences.

    An example of this would be the poem 'Everyday Life' by Yehuda Amichai.


 

"Once I sat on the steps by a gate at David's Tower

I placed my two heavy baskets at my side.

A group of tourists was standing around

their guide and I became their marker.

"You see that man with the baskets?

Just right of his head there's an arch from

the Roman period. Just right of his head."


 

I said to myself: redemption will come only if

their guide tells them, "You see that Arch from

the Roman period? It's not important, but next to it,

left and down a bit, there sits a man

who's bought fruit and vegetables for his family.


 

This poem provides a slightly wider window into what life is like for the residents of Jerusalem. As a place full of pilgrims, both religious and secular, steeped in history and tradition the everyday seems irrelevant. Amos Elon writes of tourists and pilgrims becoming over whelmed by a so called 'Jerusalem Syndrome', the shock of the bustle and tension in the city. For Jerusalem is still a place where, as Amichai wrote, people buy fruit and vegetables for their families. The book To Live in Jerusalem, published by the Israel Museum in Jerusalem shows some of this normality, trying to create a historical consciousness of mundane life in Jerusalem with plates that show living rooms and kitchens. Natalie Zemon Davis and Randolf Stern vouch for this sort of use of memory materials;


 

"The collision of memories points to the way in which memory can challenge the biases, omissions, exclusions, generalizations and abstractions of history."


 

Nonetheless, Wulf Kansteiner warns of the inherent problems of 'collective memory' material. As Crane states it "expresses a sense of the continual presence of the past." Whilst historians can use this type of material, even deeper questions must be asked about its provenance.


 

"It can take hold of historically and socially remote events but it often privileges the interests of the contemporary. It is as much a result of conscious manipulation as unconscious absorption and it is always mediated."


 

Much as history itself can be said to be written by the victors, collective memory material in expressing the past in the present day can be used subjectively. The book To Live in Jerusalem is published under the auspices of the Israel Museum and so could be considered part of the Israeli establishment. It is endorsed by a longstanding mayor of the City. It is the work of leading academics. Its creation was supported by research funds. This could hardly be called the work of the everyman. Whilst it provides a starting point for understanding the everyday lives of Jerusalemites, for example explaining briefly that ultra-Orthodox families tend not to have furniture that would serve the purpose of a sofa or settee, due to the Orthodox way of life leaving no place for leisure, the reader can gather little sense of what the people who lived in those rooms felt or thought about life in the city. There is little or no mention of conflict, the book trying to create a historical consciousness of calm home life to pass onto future generations. The book is perhaps trying to perpetuate only part of Crane's 'continual presence of the past', the part of it that the editors of the book deem acceptable, 'privileging the interests of the contemporary.'

    One can apply this same way of thinking to Yehuda Amichai's poem. One could argue that the Israeli government neglects the needs of the population in order to pander to tourists using this poem. Or that Jerusalemites feel overwhelmed when living in such historical surroundings, that they are always living with Cranes's continual presence of the pasts. A Jerusalemite may well agree with both or one of these sentiments, but that does not mean they are true, historically or otherwise. The type of material that is being processed here is much less tangible. It should be stressed that it is thoughts, feelings, people trying to make sense of the world that they exist in. It is useful at this point to consider the ideas of Clifford Geertz, the anthropologist. He considers cultural history to be people trying to make sense of their worlds through the creation of cultural products. Furthermore he considers it to be cultural reproduction, third hand ideas being rediscovered by each passing generation. One must be aware that in working with cultural historical material we are not necessarily accessing the reality of that person, but ideas that they had as individuals. These ideas will have necessarily been affected by the society in which the person was living.

    In the rich vein of cultural material available to the historian of Jerusalem, a new type of source has emerged, which helpfully illustrates the ideas of Geertz. The blog as a phenomenon has taken over the internet over the last 5 years, with large companies using the easily updatable format to inform customers about news and special offers, to travellers writing online travel journals, to special interest logs giving in-depth personal accounts on specific topics from crafts to politics. Jerusalem, and the Middle East in general, are popular topics for blogs. Within the cyber pages of these blogs the historian can analyse both the cultural history of Jerusalem and the thoughts and feelings of people who live in all parts of the city.

As previously stated, as a source they are far from being "unmediated and unself-conscious". Nevertheless, they can afford valuable insight, much in the way memoirs and diaries have done in former eras, which will be explored later in this essay. Due to the volatile nature of life in Jerusalem, they can help the historian understand how political and religious ideas disseminate through groups of people, and manifest in cultural products. Also, the accessible nature of 'blogging' makes online writings from across the spectrum of groups living in Jerusalem easy to find, whereas memoirs and diaries from the Israeli and/or Jewish perspective, written in English, have a greater status, market and, therefore, availability than those from other groups who live in the city.

    An example of the usefulness of blogs to the historian can be seen when comparing the particular experiences of different groups. People are apt to write about even the most mundane details of their lives including mealtimes, commutes and shopping habits. These are individual memories unique to a person and not contextualised in the public sphere. The style, form and content are not formalised. However, they are public manifestations of these individual memories, and so provide the platform to shape perception of the past. In a post entitled "Gentrification is Yummy", Jewish lifestyle blog "Jewlicious.com" comments positively about the improved night life in its neighbourhood. Laila El-Haddad in stark contrast talks about the difficulties of meeting her friend from the Gaza strip. Both give a sense of trying to record something about their social lives for posterity, (though "Jewlicious.com" takes a far more frivolous tone). This can be related to the ideas of Pierre Nora.


 

"When memory is no longer everywhere it will not be anywhere unless one takes the responsibility to recapture it through individual means"


 

However this is more evident in the work of Haddad, who clearly experiences a sense of injustice and feels it's her responsibility to "recapture" this through her individual means.

Her post also provides a good example of the average person manipulating the past to influence the present. By recounting the difficulties experienced by her friend when travelling she hopes to make the internet reading public aware of the plight of Palestinians who wish to travel freely through Israel.

    Much in the way blogging can be the public manifestation of individual memory, such a label could be given to other cultural material produced in a non-academic setting. Art poses a special problem to the historian;


 

"We do not explain pictures: we explain remarks about pictures - or rather, we explain pictures in so far as we have considered them under some verbal description or specification."


 

Historians cannot literally talk in pictures, they are often rendered inaccessible due to the language of symbolism. One can argue, especially relating to Jerusalem that Art is perhaps the most subjective of memory materials. Whilst expressing the continual presence of the past, the artwork is the recording of what the artist thought of the past rather than what he literally saw visually. However, it is for this very reason that Art is a wonderful source for historians. For alongside perhaps creating representations of events it can encompass the memories of how the artist felt at a certain moment emotionally. The ability to introduce elements of non-reality can help the artist portray the essence of a place or moment in time.

The portrayal of Jerusalem in Art is a good example of how cultural memory becomes the self-image of the group that identifies with the Art. The work of Christian artists in the Nineteenth century displays quite clearly their view on Jerusalem. In the work of Eric Gill, the simple wood cut of 'Epiphany, Palm Sunday and Adam and Eve' has Christ entering Jerusalem on a donkey as detailed in the Bible, but Jerusalem is represented by a simple castellated line and not much more.
In Henryk Siemiradzki's sketch for a cathedral ceiling, 'Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem' the dusty walls of Jerusalem become a mere neutral background for the Biblical action played out in front of it.
The two pictures, whilst separated both by years and artistic schools, nevertheless both portray the same attitude to Jerusalem. The place becomes unimportant; what matters to both of these artists is the coming of Christ in glory on Palm Sunday. This is in direct contrast to the work of artists who have lived or worked in Jerusalem. It seems that those with experience of the city respond very differently. Ivan Schwebel layers biblical images over intricately drawn realist pictures of Jerusalem. On the surface, the historian could consider these to be of the same school as the Christian artist previously discussed, placing biblical narratives in surroundings that mirrored their own. However, because Schwebel has first hand experience of the city, his collages of modern and biblical scenes are more potent because they reflect his feelings about the city. Considering his work, A Judean hill enters Zion square from the rear, current events at the time of creating the painting, (the war with Lebanon in 1982), influenced what he chose to record in his art, and how he felt about these events and where they sat in the history of Jerusalem. This can be seen in his notebooks from the time;


 

"OIL PAINT AT WAR –Summer 1982

Am I prepared for this war?

Required: image-making implements.

I trim the trees on this mountain for a starter, and build terraces to hold up house and studio. Rains needed. I pray for them. But I am not prepared for this war. I made no paints this year, not even acrylics but scratch with pastel bits that blow away. Better grease the armour with oil paint. Let's see, alizarin crimson is the storm colour. You get wet but you don't get chilly.

June 18' 82

Lebanon battles! The war zone extends to Zion square. The Judean hills are released and devastate the square, devastate the Zion."


 

It is relatively rare that such material relating to a painting is available to the historian. Whilst it is admittedly not the most transparent source, it illuminates part of the alternative Jerusalem, only accessible to one who lived there. Other parts of Schwebel's work show how the religious and historical nature of Jerusalem pervades in almost every part of life there, the largest part of the Jerusalem experience, much like what is addressed by Yehuda Amichai's poem discussed earlier. They are works that attempt to solve the problem of living in Jerusalem by showing feelings and ideas alongside reality. The historian through writing about art can see this answer provided by the artist and use it to help explain life in Jerusalem

Another example of art by Jerusalemites is the work of Motke Blum. His works are more ethereal, focusing on the distinctive landscapes of Jerusalem other than its busy street scenes. The dusty scenes created from heavily layered impasto paint again capture something of what Blum must feel about the city. The abstracted images of the landscape create a sense of timelessness and eternity. The at once timeless but changing architecture and landscape of Jerusalem can also be considered 'cultural material' suitable for study. It is singularly important to the Jewish community of Jerusalem, as James Parkes writes;


 

" The history of a community cannot be divorced from its geographical - historical setting…. The setting was Palestine during the whole of the formative period of Judaism - hence its unique place in Jewish thought."


 

The physical fabric of Jerusalem is deeply woven into the historical consciousness of the place. The aged stones were the subject of countless battles, and the strength of paternalistic feeling towards the material framework is readily evidenced in other types of memory material besides art.


 

"Prime Minister Rabin stood on the stage erected ….at the recently opened archaeological park in "David's City" and declared: "Jerusalem is the celebration of the glory of the Jewish people from the day it was created in the Image of God. She is its heart and the apple of its eye; and our festivities here today are only meant to once again elevate Jerusalem 'above our chiefest joy', as was the custom of our fathers and forefathers."


 

The description above recounts a celebration marking the 3000th anniversary of Jerusalem being named the capital of the Kingdom of Israel, illustrating the force of the relationship between Israel and the city. It could be argued that events of this type are used by the Israeli government to add further authentication and legitimacy to its claims to the city in the eyes of its populace. Through emphasising the Jewish history of the city at acts of collective remembrance and celebration, the government is attaching ideas and rhetoric to distinctive sites that are profoundly embedded in the memories of the populace as places of timeless appeal. This provides the historian with the opportunity to study another 'alternative Jerusalem', an officially remembered Jerusalem with parallels with To Live in Jerusalem.
A further example of the importance of the physicality of Jerusalem to collective memory can be seen in the responses created by her Palestinian inhabitants. Strongly influenced by the struggle for land, material descriptions are focused on a simpler, more rural setting around the outskirts of the city. Ahmad Harb comments on how the city of Jerusalem becomes representative of the Palestinian homeland in Palestinian novels, inseparable from the land which it inhabits. This use of Jerusalem as a metaphor is also seen in the memoirs of Suad Amiry, Sharon and My Mother in Law. When describing her niece's first visit to the city, there is a strong focus on the physical presence of Arab East Jerusalem, as she was "intentionally avoiding pointing out Jewish settlements". Amiry is emphasising her ideas that there is a Palestinian/Arab claim on Jerusalem and the land it is built on.

Examining memoirs of Jerusalem further, other problems related to the use of memory based material as a historical source become apparent. Memoirs are in part personal, individual, memory material. They are not objective, nor did necessarily accurate, creating much of the same issues as those encountered when using blogs as a source. In the act of remembering past events, the author of a memoir can choose to omit details or romanticise events. Memory is subjective and easily manipulated, deteriorating with time. They are as interesting for what they do not record as for what makes it past the publishers onto their pages. In Linda Grant's memoir about her time living in Israel, The People on the Street: A Writer's View of Israel, her memories of Jerusalem are very different from that of Amiry. She returns to the theme discussed previously of the inseparability of Jerusalem life from its religious and historical connotations. It barely considers the lifestyles of Palestinians, much as the work of Amiry glosses over the lives of the Jewish community. This sort of very focused view point seems to be very much part of the Jerusalem experience. Alex Weingrod and Michael Romann describe a day when an Islamic and a Jewish festival fell on the same day in Jerusalem;


 

"The Israelis were unaware of the Muslim observance, just as the Arabs ignored the Israeli holiday. The Israeli press did not even mention the Muslim celebration, just as the Jerusalem Arab newspapers did not mention Yom Yerushalayim. So close to one another in actual physical space, the two groups seemed to be on different planets.

 
 

And yet, during that day - just as one practically all other days of the year - most residents of Jerusalem , Jews and Arabs alike, went about their usual daily affairs. "


 

This short extract shows how each group that day were centred on their own views, and part of the problem faced by historians when using memory material that is written from such distinctive viewpoints. During the recording of events the writers make conscious and unconscious decisions on what to record from the vast resources available to them, discarding information that may not suit their ideals, much as the different newspapers in the extract ignored the festivals of the other groups, and the writers of the memoirs only consider ideas that suit them. The publishing houses may have had an influence on the content of each of these memoirs, censoring and editing to make each memoir more appealing to their target audiences, polarising the views expressed within. This weakness is also part of the strength of the memoir. In being so focused on a specific time period, or an aspect of life, they are more detailed and useful to the specialist historian than blogs could be, allowing the reader to enter a definite part of the lives of the authors.

The unique privilege that cultural memory materials afford the historian in general cannot be ignored. The examples explored here have shown how the insights given by such material into the lives and indeed the minds of the creators provide much colour and illustration to the traditional style of writing history. History is more than just the past recorded for posterity. The continual presence of this past in the now, the historical consciousness that steadily influences the collective memory of events relies on cultural memory material. When considering a place so politically volatile and religiously significant as Jerusalem the use of cultural memory material can help the historian explore parts of its past that may have been otherwise silenced by those in power, and thus prevented from becoming part of the standard corpus of historical material. Being able to access such personal material as artworks, memoirs and blogs allows the historian to use the thoughts and feelings of real people in their work alongside the recorded versions of events to write a fresh holistic type of history. As Weingrod wrote:


 

"History presumably refers to what is undeniably known about the past, whereas "collective memory" and "personal memory" emphasizes how the past is shaped or constructed in different ways by groups and individuals. This view undoubtedly appeals to our lingering post-modern sensibility: it leads us to see that there is no single truth, but rather varied interpretations that ultimately spring from power and interest. It represents the final triumph of the "inverted commas".


 

The 'alternative' Jerusalems of the title may not be obvious at first, but the varied and rich cultural memory material produced about the city, and the ways in which they have been interpreted, are a valuable resource in trying to understand the distinctive and wide-ranging experiences of Jerusalem throughout the ages.                 

Words: 4106.


 

Bibliography

Amichai, Y., Abramson, G., and Parfitt, T., (Manchester: Carncanet Press, 1997).

Amiry, S., Sharon and my Mother in Law Ramallah Diaries, (London: Granta Books, 2005).

Baxandall, M., Patterns of Intention: On the Historical Explanation of Pictures, (New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 1985).

Crane, S.A., 'Writing the Individual Back into Collective Memory' in The American Historical Review, Vol. 102, No. 5. (Dec., 1997).

Elon, A., Jerusalem: City of Mirrors, (London: Weindenfeld and Nicholson, 1990)

Gillis, J.R., Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).

Goldman, S., Jerusalem in Jewish Life and Tradition, (London: Council for Christian- Jewish Understanding, 1970).

Gonan, R., and Kroyanker, D., To Live in Jerusalem, (Jerusalem: The Israel Museum, 1993).

Grant, L., The People on the Street: A Writer's View of Israel, (London: Virago Press, 2006).

Harb, A. 'Representations of Jerusalem in the modern Palestinian novel' in Arab Studies Quarterly, (Summer 2004).

Hunt, L., (ed.), The New Cultural History, (Berkley: University of California Press, 1989).

Kansteiner, W., 'Finding Meaning in Memory: A Methodological Critique of Collective Memory Studies' in History and Theory, Vol. 41, No.2. (May 2002).

Romann, M. and Weingrod, A., Living Together Separately; Arabs and Jews in Contemporary Jerusalem, (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991).

Schwebel, I., Jerusalem - Tel Aviv, (Jerusalem: Aviva Publications, 1989).

Tai, H. H., 'Remembered Realms: Pierre Nora and French: National Memory' in The American Historical Review 106.3 (2001).

Weingrod, A., 'How Israeli Culture Was Constructed: Memory, History and the Israeli Past', Israel Studies, Vol. 2, No.1., (1997).

Wilson, E. and Blum, M., Jerusalem: reflection of eternity, (London: Shepheard-Walwyn, 1990).

Zemon Davis, N., and Stern, R., 'Introduction' in Representations, No. 26, Special Issue: Memory and Counter-Memory. (Spring, 1989).

Webography

Blum, M., 'Motke Blume – Painter and Artist', <http://www.motke.com/> 9th Jan 2007.

Bogner, D., '[Waste] My Time… [spend] your money' in 'Treppenwitz', <http://bogieworks.blogs.com/treppenwitz/2007/10/index.html>, 8th October 2007.

C.K., 'Gentrification is Yummy' in 'Jewlicious.com', <http://www.jewlicious.com/?p=3881>, 5th November 2007.

Cone. E., 'The Rise of the Blog' in 'CIO Insight', <http://www.cioinsight.com/article2/0,1540,1786020,00.asp,> 19th November 2007.

Corbett, B., 'Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History' in 'Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History', <http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/bookreviews/trouillot.htm> , 4th February 2008.
El-Haddad, L., 'from East Jerusalem to Durham' in 'Raising Yousuf, Unplugged: diary of a

Palestinian mother' < http://a-mother-from-gaza.blogspot.com/search?q=jerusalem> 4th Feb 2008.

Gill, E., 'Epiphany, Palm Sunday, and Adam & Eve' in 'Tate Collection| Epiphany, Palm Sunday and Adam and Eve by Eric Gill',

<http://www.tate.org.uk/servlet/ViewWork?cgroupid=999999961&workid=5236&searchid=4721&tabview=image >, 16th January 2008.

Plummer, R., 'Business bites the blogging bullet' in 'BBC News', <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/4879160.stm>, 19th November 2007.

Schwebel, I., 'The Angel of Death' in 'Schwebel- David's Journey- Zion Square- Enlarged'

< http://www.schwebelpaints.com/David/ZionSquare/Max/David-Zion10-Max6.htm >, 16th January 2008.

Siemiradzki, H., 'Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem.'
Sketch for the fresco of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow. 1876. In 'Henryk Siemiradzki Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem- Olga's Gallery',


< http://www.abcgallery.com/S/semiradsky/semiradsky33.html > January 16th 2008.

University of Southampton Web Cat

< http://www-lib.soton.ac.uk/uhtbin/cgisirsi/XxJzadzUR1/HARTLEY/263250138/123> 19th November 2007.

Filmography

The Holy Land, Dir. Eitan Gorlin, Arts Alliance America, 2001.


 

Appendix A.

'Everyday Life' by Yehuda Amichai.


 

"Once I sat on the steps by a gate at David's Tower

I placed my two heavy baskets at my side.

A group of tourists was standing around

their guide and I became their marker.

"You see that man with the baskets?

Just right of his head there's an arch from

the Roman period. Just right of his head."


 

I said to myself: redemption will come only if

their guide tells them, "You see that Arch from

the Roman period? It's not important, but next to it,

left and down a bit, there sits a man

who's bought fruit and vegetables for his family.


 


 


 

Yehuda Amichai, translated by Glenda Abramson, and Tudor Parfitt, (Manchester: Carncanet Press, 1997)

Appendix B.

Gentrification is Yummy!

November 5th, 2007 by ck


 

When I first moved to my apartment located in the heart of the Jerusalem Market, I lived above no less than 4 "Mizrachi" style bars. ach would be open till late at night and the entertainment consisted of really loud singalongs of classic Moroccan and Iraqi musical scores. At first it was kind of charming but I soon grew weary of the drunken brawls and the total absence of quiet. I was certain that if I heard another rowdy rendition of "Shalom Leh Ben Dodi" accompanied by darbouka I would kill someone…. and this is coming from someone who likes Mizrachi music. But as Jerusalem becomes safer and safer, and as random terrorism becomes a distant historical footnote, real estate values have started to escalate and my once predominantly Sephardic neighborhood has seen a growing number of paler skinned interlopers.

There are now a number of chichi bars in the 'hood, the big growth industry here is capuccino serving cafes and while I was Thailand, one of the rowdy bars closed down and an Indian vegetarian joint rose in its stead. Now there are only 2 rowdy bars outside my window. But I am glad that my usual fare of rice stuffed peppers from Rachmo can be supplemented with the really savory, reasonably priced fare available at Ichikidana - the aforementioned Indian veggie place. Now I don't know anything about Indian food - but whatever the hell I ate was yummy. It was a big plate of vegetable goop, rice and yogurt and this flat bread I guess they call Nan. The owners were pleasant, the service was good and I couldn't help but notice these dirty Israeli hippies who I imagine spent a lot of time in India after their army service, nod in approval - which is a good thing because they would know, right?

So next time you're in the shuk - give these guys a spin. They are on 4 Ha-Eshkol street just off the open shuk area by the pita guys across from Rachmo and they are Kosher Leh Mehadrin though when was the last time you saw a Haredi guy eating Indian food? I don't know, but you can't eat Marzipan Rugelach all the time.

From Jewlicious.com


 


 


 


 


 


 


 


 


 


 


 

Appendix C.

Laila El-Haddad 'from East Jerusalem to Durham' in 'Raising Yousuf, Unplugged: diary of a Palestinian mother' <
http://a-mother-from-gaza.blogspot.com/search?q=jerusalem>


 

Sahar is from East Jerusalem. I am from Gaza. Our cities are about an hour away (without interruption). But now, ironically, due to Israeli closure policies banning Palestinians on either side of the divide from travelling to each other's locales, the only place we could meet was Durham, North Carolina, not Gaza; not East Jerusalem; not even Ramallah.

Sahar is a field officer with the Red Cross, here for a few months on a program at Duke. We had lunch the other day with a mutual Israeli friend and rotary fellow at UNC.

Sahar carries an East Jerusalem ID card. I carry a Gaza ID card. this means I am not allowed to cross Erez to visit Sahar in Jerusalem or the West Bank, and she cannot cross over to visit me in Gaza.

The Jerusalem ID is particularly precarious because the Israeli government makes it extremly difficult for Palestinians residents of East Jerusalem to maintain their residency there and thus their status through a series of draconian laws that are not applicable to the city's Jewish residents.

It is part of a decades old policy of maintaining the Jewish majority in Jerusalem by a ratio of 73.5% to 26.5% to reduce the Palestinian presence in the city. These measures included the controlling and revoking identity card holders inside the city for not paying things like "TV taxes" on time or being present at the residency address on a consistent basis (made more difficult by the wall and other restrictions faced by residents).

Students who continued to study long years abroad have also had their ID cards revoked. Palestinians who married and stayed abroad lost their right to be residents of the city. One Palestinian from Jerusalem I met last year is married to a Ramallah resident (who are also now not allowed into the city) and because she has lost her Jerusalem residency has to sneak in and out of the city to visit her parents.

One woman in an article I wrote a couple of years back explained it well:

"Our occupation is of a different kind than in the West Bank or Gaza," said Huda al-Imam, director of the Centre for Jerusalem Studies at al-Quds University.

"It has a clear strategy of annexing the land of East Jerusalem while not annexing the people, but transferring them," she added.

"I have a difficult time explaining my legal status to people, even Israelis- I am not a citizen of Israel and at the same time I do not carry a Palestinian Authority passport (all signs of Palestinian nationhood are banned in Jersualem, including flags). I carry an Israeli 'travel document' but this does not entitle us t any of the rights or services that citizens get."

The idea is, Israel wants East Jerusalem, but does not want its people. Bad for both its economy, and for its demography.

That is one of the reasons they made sure their viscious Wall last year cut through neigbhorhoods of East Jerusalem, cutting off nearly 150, 000 Jerusalemites from their schools, hospitals, and work in Jerusalem. Eventually the journey across the checkpoints and through the Wall may become too arduous, it is hoped, and they will move out of Jerusalem altogether into the West Bank.

"Its like a force of habit-people reach for cigarettes, I reach for my hawia (ID card), even here in the US," joked Sahar.

Jerusalem is the main exit for the north-south link in Palestine, from Bethlehem to Ram Allah, and from northern West Bank to southern West Bank.

"It's very strange that Israel is so much more preoccupied with creating more settlements than providing any service for legal residents and it's equally amazing Israel wants to overcrowd a very important world heritage that is under threat and has been defined as such by Unesco," remarked former Palestinian minister of Jerusalem Affairs, in an interview with me last year, in reference to the Israeli Muncipality's approval of new Jewish housing units in the Muslim Quarter of the City near the Dome of the Rock at the time.

Khoury went on to describe what it means to have a Jerusalem ID:

"As Jerusalemites, in 1967 when we were occupied by Israel, we were given identity cards to indicate that we are residents of the city. But we are not citizens of Israel - simply residents.

As residents, we are given permanent residency if we stay in the city, and if our centre of life is in the city. But if we live outside of city for seven years, then we have no right to come back.

In practice, it works differently. Students - including my son - who were away for two continuous years, came back to find their driver's licence and insurance cancelled.

Palestinians are treated as residents if they stay in Jerusalem, but many Jerusalemites found themselves in diaspora and couldn't come back, nor their children. These Palestinians have no right to come to Jerusalem."


 


 


 


 

Appendix D

Ivan Schwebel, 'A Judean Hill enters Zion Square from the rear', (1982), in Jerusalem - Tel Aviv, (Jerusalem: Aviva Publications, 1989), p.30.


 


 


 


 


 


 


 


 

Appendix E


 

Henryk Siemiradzki. 'Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem.' Sketch for the fresco of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, 1876, in 'Henryk Siemiradzki Entrance of Christ into Jerusalem- Olga's Gallery',

< http://www.abcgallery.com/S/semiradsky/semiradsky33.html > January 16th 2008.


 


 


 


 


 


 


 


 

Appendix F

Eric Gill, 'Epiphany, Palm Sunday, and Adam & Eve' in 'Tate Collection| Epiphany, Palm Sunday and Adam and Eve by Eric Gill',

<http://www.tate.org.uk/servlet/ViewWork?cgroupid=999999961&workid=5236&searchid=4721&tabview=image >, 16th January 2008.


 


 

Appendix G

Motke Blum, 'Walls at Sunset' in 'Motke Blume – Painter and Artist', <http://www.motke.com/oil/oil_show/images/walls%20at%20sunset.jpg > , 1st February 2008.


 

Aramaic Essay 1

“She shall take out, from straw to string, and go away wherever she pleases” - The women of Elephantine; an anomaly in the Ancient Near East?

The quote above comes from the marriage contract of Mibtahiah, daughter of Mahsehiah of Elephantine to Eshor her second husband. Mibtahiah could, if she decided to leave her husband, take out what she had brought into the marriage, and go where she pleased. The archives of Mibtahiah and her family make up nearly half of the papyri available to us from Elephantine.1 Did Mibtahiah go where she pleased? Yaron wrote that the position of women in Elephantine compared favourably with other communities in the Ancient Near East.2 This essay will consider how far this was the case. It will also explore how the community of Elephantine was influenced in its treatment of women by the cultures of the communities that surrounded it, looking for both similarities and differences. This will be facilitated by combining philology with history to try and give a wider perspective of the lives of the Elephantine women.

Women appear in the Elephantine archive in a range of documents, including marriage contracts, legal documents regarding gifts and grants of land, property and other items, loans, a document that appears to deal with a ‘phase of divorce’ or other litigation regarding withdrawal of personal items, and documents that detail the manumission of slave. 3 The Judean community at Elephantine existed under both Egyptian and then Persian rule, stating as they do in A.P. 12 of the Brooklyn Aramaic Papyri that their temple existed under the rule of the kings of Egypt.4 It is therefore reasonable to assume then that both Egyptian and Persian laws and culture may have had an affect on the lives on women in Elephantine. Annette Depla in her piece on women in Egyptian Wisdom literature bemoans how there are few documents that actually relate to the role of women or are written by women themselves.5 She attempts to create the lives of Ancient Egyptian women using material similar to that which is available from the Elephantine Aramaic archive. When considering the unique way in which women were treated there at Elephantine, one can only attempt to reconstruct women’s lives in much the same way Depla has done for Egyptian women. However, given the nature of the colony, that it was a mercenary community of a different ethnic group and therefore supposedly a different culture to that of its surroundings, makes it imperative to compare the archive of Elephantine with other documents available to the historian from the Ancient Near East.

The archive of material from Elephantine has been the subject of great study since its discovery in the nineteenth century. It is especially useful for the historian as the archive contains a range of documents that help illustrate everyday life in this military colony of Judeans in Egypt. 6 Every document has been subject to intense scrutiny, looking for clues as to how people lived in the Fortress town of Yeb. The work has thrown up some interesting anomalies in the way of life at Elephantine. Isolated from the rest of the Judean community, they appear to have had a radically different way of life in certain areas. 7 Ackroyd notes how the name of the god used in a Judean way in the documents appears to have lost the last letter in its name, rendering it in transliteration as YWH, rather than YHWH.8 He couples this with the work of the noted Bezalel Porten and Arthur Cowley to consider the possibility that the Judeans of Elephantine worshipped a range of female goddesses alongside YWH, including one that could be considered his consort.9 This is a drastic departure from the monotheistic nature of the Law as being practiced in Judea post Josianic reforms, especially when considered with the existence of a temple to YWH in the fortress at Elephantine, a direct contradiction of Deuteronomic law. 10There are also examples in the archive of vows sworn to local gods besides YWH, again from the archive of Mibtahiah encountered earlier. Mibtahiah seems to have had no qualms in swearing to the Egyptian goddess Sati, when entering into litigation with “Pia,… a builder of Syene”11

“About the suit which we undertook in Syene, a litigation about silver and grain and raiment and bronze and iron – all the goods and property – and the marriage document. Then an oath was imposed upon you and you swore them to me by Sati the goddess. And my heart was satisfied with that oath which you made to me about those goods and I withdrew from you this day and forever.”12

However, due to the fragmentary nature of much of the papyri, one can only go so far in extrapolating from the documents alone. One could hypothesize that the place of goddesses in the life of the Elephantine community may have had something to do with the ‘strange rights’ enjoyed by women in Elephantine. 13 Mibtahiah’s marriage contract as detailed in the title also provided for her in the case of divorce, again something very different from traditional Judean practice. Perhaps the women in Elephantine were regarded more highly because of the worship of goddesses in their community, rather than the purely patriarchal system of biblical and rabbinical Judaism.14 This speculation was considered unfounded by Porten, who drew many parallels between the lives of the Women of Elephantine, and the women of Judah, using mainly biblical examples, due to the lack of legal contracts to use in direct comparison. 15

Examining Proverbs 31:16 – 24, it is possible to compare the recorded actions of women from Elephantine with the ideal Judean woman.

“16 She considereth a field, and buyeth it; with the fruit of her hands she planteth a vineyard.

17 She girdeth her loins with strength, and maketh strong her arms.

18 She perceiveth that her merchandise is good; her lamp goeth not out by night.

19 She layeth her hands to the distaff, and her hands hold the spindle.

20 She stretcheth out her hand to the poor; yea, she reacheth forth her hands to the needy.

21 She is not afraid of the snow for her household; for all her household are clothed with scarlet.

22 She maketh for herself coverlets; her clothing is fine linen and purple.

23 Her husband is known in the gates, when he sitteth among the elders of the land.

24 She maketh linen garments and selleth them; and delivereth girdles unto the merchant.”16

Proverbs is wisdom literature that is comparable to the literature used by Depla in her work on Egyptian women. In the Egyptian wisdom literature, the woman is dependant of the husband, someone who has to be actively cared for; however, the administrative documents examined by Depla show a degree on independence in household matters.17 Egyptian women worked along side men much in the same way the extract above places women in an agricultural setting where work would have been shared between the sexes.18 The woman of Proverbs is given independence in the domestic sphere, deciding what to purchase and sell to meet her family’s need, but the overall control clearly resides with the husband, as his reputation is based on his wife’s actions. When comparing Elephantine to these examples there are clear parallels between them. Mibtahiah in B30 engages in litigation over silver, grain, clothing, vessels and a document of wifehood. In B34, a woman named Jehohen borrows a small sum of money in her own right from Mesullam, son of Zaccur - a well known member of the Elephantine community. Women acting with such independence in Elephantine could easily be labeled with M.B. Crook’s description of the ideal woman of Proverbs 31, “A person of competence, of tireless industry in the supply and administration of a… household”.19 Looking specifically at property, in verse 16 of Proverbs 31, an ideal woman was able to buy and sell land as she sees fit. This is much the same as in Elephantine, where the archive contains records of bequests and grants of housing, and a grant of a life estate of usufruct to women, sale of housing by women and women exchanging inherited shares of property. 20 Therefore, certainly in the sphere of property, the women of Elephantine do not appear anomalous compared to other Ancient Near Eastern communities.

Examining the marriage contracts and fragments of marriage contracts available, they also show similarities with Judean practices. Alongside brides bringing a dowry, a type of bride price was paid to the father, called the mohar .21 In the marriage contract of Mibtahiah and Eshor, Eshor after declaring that Mibtahiar is his wife and he is her husband “from this day and forever” had the scribe write to Mibtahiah’s father Mahseiah;

“I gave you (as) mohar for your daughter Mibtahiah : [silver] 5 shekles by the stone(-weight)s of [the] king. It came into you and your heart was satisfied herein.”22

There is a similar construction in the marriage contract of Jehoishma to Ananiah son of Haggai.

“and I gave you (as) mohar (for) your sister Jehoishma 5 silver [1]kar[sh].” 23 24

The payment of mohar is a practice that can be seen in Biblical law;

“16. And if a man entice a virgin that is not betrothed, and lie with her, he shall surely pay a dowry for her to be his wife.

17. If her father utterly refuse to give her unto him, he shall pay money according to the dowry of virgins.”25

In these verses we see payments being made by a man in order to have a woman be his wife, like in the Elephantine contracts and indeed verse 16 has the man paying mohar after sleeping with a woman to whom he is not betrothed. This could be considered as parallel to the way in which Elephantine marriage contracts appear to have been written subsequently to the couple beginning married life merely formalizing an existing relationship. This idea is further supported by evidence noted Porten.26 The formula “she is my wife and I am her husband” echo a phrase in Hosea 2:2.27

“2 Plead with your mother, plead; for she is not my wife, neither am I her husband; and let her put away her harlotries from her face, and her adulteries from between her breasts;”28

Whilst this quotation shows a repudiation of a wife, it shows the negative use of a formula clearly established in Judah.

This phrasing can also be seen in another Elephantine document B23, a building grant.

“I came to you and you gave me the gateway of your house to build a wall there, that wall is yours.”29

It is similar in linguistic structure, but more importantly, it also covers an event that happened before the writing of the building grant, much in the way the marriage contracts available to us from Elephantine seem to have been written after the marriage has occurred, mentioning a child that can only be the offspring of the union.30 In both cases the legal document introduces events that precipitated the contractual obligations of the respective parties, showing a level of contractual obligation. This idea of contractual obligation in marriage is not surprising given how marriage was considered more economic than romantic in nature, more concerned with creation of new households and the transfer of property as was the norm in Judah, Egypt and other areas of the Ancient Near East. Mohar payments can be considered equivalent to the payment of shep en sehemet in Egyptian marriage contracts, a price or compensation for marrying the woman.31 The terms used in the dowry acceptance clause, the clause related to the mohar, and other clauses relating to selling, tyb lbbk and tyb lbby, being the same or similar do not necessarily mean women were considered an object of barter, but that the mohar is to marriage what the sale price is to sale: both are necessary considerations that establish the legal ground for the transfer of control/ownership , whether of land or wife.32

The major area, in which Elephantine differs from Judah, is in the case of divorce. The Talmud states that only a man can dissolve a marriage. He can only be divorced by his wife with his consent. 33 This is in direct contrast to what is found in the Elephantine marriage contracts;

"Tomorrow or the next day, should Mibtahiah stand up in an assembly and say: "I hated Eshor my husband" silver of hatred is on her head, and she shall place upon the balance scale and weight out to Eshor silver 6+1 shekels, 2 quarters and all that she brought in her hand she shall take out from straw to string and go away wherever she desires without suit or process."34

The Document of Wifehood between Mibtahiah and Eshor son Djeho

“ Tomorrow or (the) next day, should Tamut stand up and say: “ I hated my husband Ananiah,” silver of ha(t)red is on her head. She shall give to Ananiah silver, 7 shekels 2q (uaters) and all that she brought in her hand she shall take out from straw to string. 35

The Document of Wifehood between Tamut and Ananaihson of Azariah

“And if Jehoishm[a] hate her husband Ananaih and say to him “I hated you; I will not be to you a wife” silver of hatred is on her head (and) her mohar will be lost she shall PLACE UPON the balance scale and giver her husband Ananiah silver, 7 shekels, [2] q(auraters), and go out from him with the rest of her money and her goods and her property…and the rest of her goods which are written above.”36

Document of Wifehood between Jehoishma to Ananiah son Haggai

A clause has been added to the contract that enables the female party to stand in the Assembly or to claim publicly that she hates her husband and wishes to leave him. She is then able to do that, taking her dowry with her, and marry again as she pleases. The cause relating to the instigation of the end of marriage by the woman is similar to the clause for divorce by the male party except for the obvious reversal of names. In B36 and B41 the repudiation by husband and repudiation by wife clauses are exactly the same. 37Porten notes that the word shnah, (to hate) used in these passages may not actually mean “divorce” as we understand it today. 38 This does not mean that the clause in a marriage contract, that allows the woman to publicly claim to hate her husband, does not relate to the dissolution of a marriage. If Elephantine legal practice was influenced by Egyptian practice, as can be assumed, marriage contracts were formal documents that mainly recorded the transfer or exchange of property, instituted by marriage.39 Indeed, the marriage contract of Ananiah, son of Azariah and Tamut the slave girl of Meshullam, son of Zaccur, detailed in Porten and Yardeni B36, includes what can only be their child in one of the clauses, suggesting they had had a child before the marriage contract had been drawn up, and that the marriage contract was a mere formality.40 This is similar, then, to the Egyptian idea, where marriage as a social construct was instigated through co-habitation, and in the later period, documents were drawn up after the couple had had children. 41 The Egyptian terms taken to mean marriage include; “to establish a household”, “to enter a household”, “to live together”. 42In the Elephantine case, then, a woman leaving the husband would fit with Egyptian practice, where leaving the family home would be symbolic of a broken marriage, with the wife rejecting the husband. The Biblical homonym for shnah, to hate, and the cognate words in Akkadian (zeru) and the Egyptian synonym (mst), both used in marriage contracts, convey this sense of rejection. 43 Indeed from 500BCE onwards, Gay Robins notes evidence of women being able to initiate divorce in Egyptian culture, making such influence on Elephantine even more likely.44 Any differences between Elephantine and Judah are likely to be due to the Elephantine community absorbing the local practices of the surrounding area over time, rather than a conscious rejection of Judean practice. 45

In fact, the terminology used in the marriage contract has exact parallels in Egyptian marriage contracts and Babylonian marriage contracts. Returning to Mibtahiah’s marriage contract, the phrase “shall take out from straw to string and go away wherever she desires without suit or process.” is of particular interest. 46 This phrase, effectively freeing the woman from all obligations, has parallels in other Ancient Near Eastern legal systems. 47 In Hammurapi’s Law Code, c.1700BCE in Document LH 172, it states that a widowed woman who was not provided with a marriage settlement receives her dowry and an heir’s part to her husband’s property. She was able to leave the household of her husband, and “a husband of her choice shall marry her”. 48 These clauses again free the women from all obligations. Shalom E. Hertz finds similarities in the Neo-Babylonian marriage contracts.

“… fifteen contain legible divorce clauses. The phrasing of this clause is different from its Old Babylonian counterpart. A typical one reads: “Should PN1 divorce PN2 and take a second (wife), he will pay her 6 minas of silver, and she may go wherever she pleases." 49

“She shall… go away wherever she desires” from the Elephantine marriage contracts and “She may go wherever she pleases” are similar enough in phrasing to indicate that the Elephantine community were influenced by Neo-Babylonian legal practice. Whilst LH 172 and the Neo-Babylonian marriage contracts greatly predate the Elephantine marriage contracts, the similarities are not surprising, considering that the Judean mercenary community of Elephantine were serving the Achaemenid administration at this time. Such Babylonian legal tradition would have influenced the administration, much as the Egyptian practice influenced the Elephantine Judeans.

However, it is not only in the dissolution aspect of marriage that Elephantine practice differed considerably from Judean practice. Whilst Elephantine is clearly mainly patriarchal in structure, like the practice of Judeans detailed in the Bible, a range of people are involved in marrying off their female dependents. In B36 a slave girl is given in marriage by her master. In B41 an adoptive brother gives away his adoptive sister, who was the daughter of the aforementioned slave girl and only a half sister. In B6.4 mother and bridegroom haggle over the daughter. The latter especially shows how women in Elephantine were perhaps considered more equally than in Judean society. Whilst clearly the norm was for the most senior male relative to give the female dependant in marriage, there seems to have been no legal difference in the, albeit fragmentary, contract where a mother is the major party in the marriage contract of her daughter. This too could show an Egyptian influence on Elephantine practice, with women at Elephantine being held in the same regard legally as men, as noted by Swidler.50

Much of what has been written about the women of Elephantine makes them seem like they were anomalies in the Ancient Near East. They have focused on the one major difference in the field of divorce or the end of marriages, where women were given equal footing to instigate proceedings and in monetary reparations. This is indeed different from both Judean and Egyptian practice, the two cultures expected to have the most influence on Elephantine practice. In Judah, men only could instigate divorce proceedings, and in Egypt, only men paid divorce fines.51 Nevertheless, other practices related to women and marriage had similarities, such as the bride bringing a dowry, and the payment of some sort of bride price to the bride’s father. The women of Elephantine did have some level of independence and were able to control their own destinies up to a point, for example controlling property and borrowing money in their own names. It seems more likely that social status had more do to with the level of freedom afforded to Elephantine women than the community absorbing much of their host culture. Some cultural crossover is likely , and evident given the political environment of the era, but the historian should be aware that the Elephantine archive is very limited in its scope, particularly concerning women. Mibtahiah clearly had more opportunities that Tamut, as she was the daughter of an established member of the community, whereas Tamut was a slave marrying into a free family. Tamut’s dowry was considerably less, and her ties to her master remained even though she was married into a new family.52 Women were also linked to their husband’s rank, which would have had much influence on how far they could control their own lives.53 Therefore, in many ways the women of Elephantine were not completely different from other women in the Ancient Near East, but were only anomalies in certain areas. The fragmentary character of the material available makes it difficult to assess for certain exactly how novel these differences were, or indeed, how normal they were for the women of Elephantine.

4124 words.


Bibliography

Archer, L.J., (ed.), Women in Ancient Societies, (London: Macmillan, 1994).

Ayad Ayad, B., 'From the Archive of Ananiah Son of Azariah: A Jew from Elephantine' in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 56, No.1., (Jan. 1997).

Cameron, A., and Kuhrt, A., (eds.), Images of Women in Antiquity, (London: Routledge, 1993).

Cohen, A., Everyman's Talmud, (London: J. Dent and Sons Ltd, 1932).

Cowley, A., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century BC, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923).

Crook, M.B., ‘The Marriageable Maiden of Prov. 31:10-31” in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol.13, (1954).

Erwin Baber, R., 'Marriage and Family Life in Ancient Egypt' in Social Forces, (Vol. 13, No.3, (March 1935).

Greengus, S., ‘The Old Babylonian Marriage Contract’ in Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 89, No. 3. (Jul. - Sep., 1969).

Hertz, S.E., '"To Go and Marry Any Man That You Please": A Study of the Formulaic Antecedents of the Rabbinic Writ of Divorce' in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 60, No. 4. (Oct., 2001).

Kraeling, E. G., 'The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic papyri : new documents of the Fifth Century B.C. from the Jewish colony at Elephantine ', (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953).

Meleze Modrzejewski, J., The Jews of Egypt: From Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian (Princeton, New Jersey; Princeton University Press, 1995).

Muffs, Y., Studies in the Aramaic Legal Papyri from Elephantine, (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2003).

Pestman, P.W., Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, (Leiden, 1961).

Porten, B., Archives from Elephantine: The life of an Ancient Jewish Colony, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968).

— , The Elephantine Papyri in English: three millennia of cross cultural continuity and change, (Leiden, New York: Brill, 1996).

— and Yardeni,A., (eds)., Textbook of Aramaic Texts from Ancient Egypt, Vol.2, (Winona Lake, IN; Eisenbrauns, 1999).

Robins, G., Women in Ancient Egypt, (London; British Museum Press, 1993).

Swidler, L., Women in Judaism : The Status of Women in Formative Judaism, (Metuchen, N.J: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1976).

Yaron, R., Introduction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961).

Valler, S., 'Business Women in the Mishnaic and Talmudic period’ in Women in Judaism in Vol. 2, No.2, (2001).

Webography

‘Exodus 22,’, 31/12/2007

‘Hosea 2,’, 31/12/2007

‘Proverbs 31,’, 31/12/2007

O'Brien, A., 'EGYPTIAN WOMEN IN PTOLEMAIC AND ROMAN EGYPT

THE ECONOMIC AND LEGAL ACTIVITIES OF WOMEN IN DEMOTIC TEXTS' in 'Oriental Institutes Research Archives' , 30 November 2007

Aramaic Essay 1

“She shall take out, from straw to string, and go away wherever she pleases” - The women of Elephantine; an anomaly in the Ancient Near East?

The quote above comes from the marriage contract of Mibtahiah, daughter of Mahsehiah of Elephantine to Eshor her second husband. Mibtahiah could, if she decided to leave her husband, take out what she had brought into the marriage, and go where she pleased. The archives of Mibtahiah and her family make up nearly half of the papyri available to us from Elephantine.1 Did Mibtahiah go where she pleased? Yaron wrote that the position of women in Elephantine compared favourably with other communities in the Ancient Near East.2 This essay will consider how far this was the case. It will also explore how the community of Elephantine was influenced in its treatment of women by the cultures of the communities that surrounded it, looking for both similarities and differences. This will be facilitated by combining philology with history to try and give a wider perspective of the lives of the Elephantine women.

Women appear in the Elephantine archive in a range of documents, including marriage contracts, legal documents regarding gifts and grants of land, property and other items, loans, a document that appears to deal with a ‘phase of divorce’ or other litigation regarding withdrawal of personal items, and documents that detail the manumission of slave. 3 The Judean community at Elephantine existed under both Egyptian and then Persian rule, stating as they do in A.P. 12 of the Brooklyn Aramaic Papyri that their temple existed under the rule of the kings of Egypt.4 It is therefore reasonable to assume then that both Egyptian and Persian laws and culture may have had an affect on the lives on women in Elephantine. Annette Depla in her piece on women in Egyptian Wisdom literature bemoans how there are few documents that actually relate to the role of women or are written by women themselves.5 She attempts to create the lives of Ancient Egyptian women using material similar to that which is available from the Elephantine Aramaic archive. When considering the unique way in which women were treated there at Elephantine, one can only attempt to reconstruct women’s lives in much the same way Depla has done for Egyptian women. However, given the nature of the colony, that it was a mercenary community of a different ethnic group and therefore supposedly a different culture to that of its surroundings, makes it imperative to compare the archive of Elephantine with other documents available to the historian from the Ancient Near East.

The archive of material from Elephantine has been the subject of great study since its discovery in the nineteenth century. It is especially useful for the historian as the archive contains a range of documents that help illustrate everyday life in this military colony of Judeans in Egypt. 6 Every document has been subject to intense scrutiny, looking for clues as to how people lived in the Fortress town of Yeb. The work has thrown up some interesting anomalies in the way of life at Elephantine. Isolated from the rest of the Judean community, they appear to have had a radically different way of life in certain areas. 7 Ackroyd notes how the name of the god used in a Judean way in the documents appears to have lost the last letter in its name, rendering it in transliteration as YWH, rather than YHWH.8 He couples this with the work of the noted Bezalel Porten and Arthur Cowley to consider the possibility that the Judeans of Elephantine worshipped a range of female goddesses alongside YWH, including one that could be considered his consort.9 This is a drastic departure from the monotheistic nature of the Law as being practiced in Judea post Josianic reforms, especially when considered with the existence of a temple to YWH in the fortress at Elephantine, a direct contradiction of Deuteronomic law. 10There are also examples in the archive of vows sworn to local gods besides YWH, again from the archive of Mibtahiah encountered earlier. Mibtahiah seems to have had no qualms in swearing to the Egyptian goddess Sati, when entering into litigation with “Pia,… a builder of Syene”11

“About the suit which we undertook in Syene, a litigation about silver and grain and raiment and bronze and iron – all the goods and property – and the marriage document. Then an oath was imposed upon you and you swore them to me by Sati the goddess. And my heart was satisfied with that oath which you made to me about those goods and I withdrew from you this day and forever.”12

However, due to the fragmentary nature of much of the papyri, one can only go so far in extrapolating from the documents alone. One could hypothesize that the place of goddesses in the life of the Elephantine community may have had something to do with the ‘strange rights’ enjoyed by women in Elephantine. 13 Mibtahiah’s marriage contract as detailed in the title also provided for her in the case of divorce, again something very different from traditional Judean practice. Perhaps the women in Elephantine were regarded more highly because of the worship of goddesses in their community, rather than the purely patriarchal system of biblical and rabbinical Judaism.14 This speculation was considered unfounded by Porten, who drew many parallels between the lives of the Women of Elephantine, and the women of Judah, using mainly biblical examples, due to the lack of legal contracts to use in direct comparison. 15

Examining Proverbs 31:16 – 24, it is possible to compare the recorded actions of women from Elephantine with the ideal Judean woman.

“16 She considereth a field, and buyeth it; with the fruit of her hands she planteth a vineyard.

17 She girdeth her loins with strength, and maketh strong her arms.

18 She perceiveth that her merchandise is good; her lamp goeth not out by night.

19 She layeth her hands to the distaff, and her hands hold the spindle.

20 She stretcheth out her hand to the poor; yea, she reacheth forth her hands to the needy.

21 She is not afraid of the snow for her household; for all her household are clothed with scarlet.

22 She maketh for herself coverlets; her clothing is fine linen and purple.

23 Her husband is known in the gates, when he sitteth among the elders of the land.

24 She maketh linen garments and selleth them; and delivereth girdles unto the merchant.”16

Proverbs is wisdom literature that is comparable to the literature used by Depla in her work on Egyptian women. In the Egyptian wisdom literature, the woman is dependant of the husband, someone who has to be actively cared for; however, the administrative documents examined by Depla show a degree on independence in household matters.17 Egyptian women worked along side men much in the same way the extract above places women in an agricultural setting where work would have been shared between the sexes.18 The woman of Proverbs is given independence in the domestic sphere, deciding what to purchase and sell to meet her family’s need, but the overall control clearly resides with the husband, as his reputation is based on his wife’s actions. When comparing Elephantine to these examples there are clear parallels between them. Mibtahiah in B30 engages in litigation over silver, grain, clothing, vessels and a document of wifehood. In B34, a woman named Jehohen borrows a small sum of money in her own right from Mesullam, son of Zaccur - a well known member of the Elephantine community. Women acting with such independence in Elephantine could easily be labeled with M.B. Crook’s description of the ideal woman of Proverbs 31, “A person of competence, of tireless industry in the supply and administration of a… household”.19 Looking specifically at property, in verse 16 of Proverbs 31, an ideal woman was able to buy and sell land as she sees fit. This is much the same as in Elephantine, where the archive contains records of bequests and grants of housing, and a grant of a life estate of usufruct to women, sale of housing by women and women exchanging inherited shares of property. 20 Therefore, certainly in the sphere of property, the women of Elephantine do not appear anomalous compared to other Ancient Near Eastern communities.

Examining the marriage contracts and fragments of marriage contracts available, they also show similarities with Judean practices. Alongside brides bringing a dowry, a type of bride price was paid to the father, called the mohar .21 In the marriage contract of Mibtahiah and Eshor, Eshor after declaring that Mibtahiar is his wife and he is her husband “from this day and forever” had the scribe write to Mibtahiah’s father Mahseiah;

“I gave you (as) mohar for your daughter Mibtahiah : [silver] 5 shekles by the stone(-weight)s of [the] king. It came into you and your heart was satisfied herein.”22

There is a similar construction in the marriage contract of Jehoishma to Ananiah son of Haggai.

“and I gave you (as) mohar (for) your sister Jehoishma 5 silver [1]kar[sh].” 23 24

The payment of mohar is a practice that can be seen in Biblical law;

“16. And if a man entice a virgin that is not betrothed, and lie with her, he shall surely pay a dowry for her to be his wife.

17. If her father utterly refuse to give her unto him, he shall pay money according to the dowry of virgins.”25

In these verses we see payments being made by a man in order to have a woman be his wife, like in the Elephantine contracts and indeed verse 16 has the man paying mohar after sleeping with a woman to whom he is not betrothed. This could be considered as parallel to the way in which Elephantine marriage contracts appear to have been written subsequently to the couple beginning married life merely formalizing an existing relationship. This idea is further supported by evidence noted Porten.26 The formula “she is my wife and I am her husband” echo a phrase in Hosea 2:2.27

“2 Plead with your mother, plead; for she is not my wife, neither am I her husband; and let her put away her harlotries from her face, and her adulteries from between her breasts;”28

Whilst this quotation shows a repudiation of a wife, it shows the negative use of a formula clearly established in Judah.

This phrasing can also be seen in another Elephantine document B23, a building grant.

“I came to you and you gave me the gateway of your house to build a wall there, that wall is yours.”29

It is similar in linguistic structure, but more importantly, it also covers an event that happened before the writing of the building grant, much in the way the marriage contracts available to us from Elephantine seem to have been written after the marriage has occurred, mentioning a child that can only be the offspring of the union.30 In both cases the legal document introduces events that precipitated the contractual obligations of the respective parties, showing a level of contractual obligation. This idea of contractual obligation in marriage is not surprising given how marriage was considered more economic than romantic in nature, more concerned with creation of new households and the transfer of property as was the norm in Judah, Egypt and other areas of the Ancient Near East. Mohar payments can be considered equivalent to the payment of shep en sehemet in Egyptian marriage contracts, a price or compensation for marrying the woman.31 The terms used in the dowry acceptance clause, the clause related to the mohar, and other clauses relating to selling, tyb lbbk and tyb lbby, being the same or similar do not necessarily mean women were considered an object of barter, but that the mohar is to marriage what the sale price is to sale: both are necessary considerations that establish the legal ground for the transfer of control/ownership , whether of land or wife.32

The major area, in which Elephantine differs from Judah, is in the case of divorce. The Talmud states that only a man can dissolve a marriage. He can only be divorced by his wife with his consent. 33 This is in direct contrast to what is found in the Elephantine marriage contracts;

"Tomorrow or the next day, should Mibtahiah stand up in an assembly and say: "I hated Eshor my husband" silver of hatred is on her head, and she shall place upon the balance scale and weight out to Eshor silver 6+1 shekels, 2 quarters and all that she brought in her hand she shall take out from straw to string and go away wherever she desires without suit or process."34

The Document of Wifehood between Mibtahiah and Eshor son Djeho

“ Tomorrow or (the) next day, should Tamut stand up and say: “ I hated my husband Ananiah,” silver of ha(t)red is on her head. She shall give to Ananiah silver, 7 shekels 2q (uaters) and all that she brought in her hand she shall take out from straw to string. 35

The Document of Wifehood between Tamut and Ananaihson of Azariah

“And if Jehoishm[a] hate her husband Ananaih and say to him “I hated you; I will not be to you a wife” silver of hatred is on her head (and) her mohar will be lost she shall PLACE UPON the balance scale and giver her husband Ananiah silver, 7 shekels, [2] q(auraters), and go out from him with the rest of her money and her goods and her property…and the rest of her goods which are written above.”36

Document of Wifehood between Jehoishma to Ananiah son Haggai

A clause has been added to the contract that enables the female party to stand in the Assembly or to claim publicly that she hates her husband and wishes to leave him. She is then able to do that, taking her dowry with her, and marry again as she pleases. The cause relating to the instigation of the end of marriage by the woman is similar to the clause for divorce by the male party except for the obvious reversal of names. In B36 and B41 the repudiation by husband and repudiation by wife clauses are exactly the same. 37Porten notes that the word shnah, (to hate) used in these passages may not actually mean “divorce” as we understand it today. 38 This does not mean that the clause in a marriage contract, that allows the woman to publicly claim to hate her husband, does not relate to the dissolution of a marriage. If Elephantine legal practice was influenced by Egyptian practice, as can be assumed, marriage contracts were formal documents that mainly recorded the transfer or exchange of property, instituted by marriage.39 Indeed, the marriage contract of Ananiah, son of Azariah and Tamut the slave girl of Meshullam, son of Zaccur, detailed in Porten and Yardeni B36, includes what can only be their child in one of the clauses, suggesting they had had a child before the marriage contract had been drawn up, and that the marriage contract was a mere formality.40 This is similar, then, to the Egyptian idea, where marriage as a social construct was instigated through co-habitation, and in the later period, documents were drawn up after the couple had had children. 41 The Egyptian terms taken to mean marriage include; “to establish a household”, “to enter a household”, “to live together”. 42In the Elephantine case, then, a woman leaving the husband would fit with Egyptian practice, where leaving the family home would be symbolic of a broken marriage, with the wife rejecting the husband. The Biblical homonym for shnah, to hate, and the cognate words in Akkadian (zeru) and the Egyptian synonym (mst), both used in marriage contracts, convey this sense of rejection. 43 Indeed from 500BCE onwards, Gay Robins notes evidence of women being able to initiate divorce in Egyptian culture, making such influence on Elephantine even more likely.44 Any differences between Elephantine and Judah are likely to be due to the Elephantine community absorbing the local practices of the surrounding area over time, rather than a conscious rejection of Judean practice. 45

In fact, the terminology used in the marriage contract has exact parallels in Egyptian marriage contracts and Babylonian marriage contracts. Returning to Mibtahiah’s marriage contract, the phrase “shall take out from straw to string and go away wherever she desires without suit or process.” is of particular interest. 46 This phrase, effectively freeing the woman from all obligations, has parallels in other Ancient Near Eastern legal systems. 47 In Hammurapi’s Law Code, c.1700BCE in Document LH 172, it states that a widowed woman who was not provided with a marriage settlement receives her dowry and an heir’s part to her husband’s property. She was able to leave the household of her husband, and “a husband of her choice shall marry her”. 48 These clauses again free the women from all obligations. Shalom E. Hertz finds similarities in the Neo-Babylonian marriage contracts.

“… fifteen contain legible divorce clauses. The phrasing of this clause is different from its Old Babylonian counterpart. A typical one reads: “Should PN1 divorce PN2 and take a second (wife), he will pay her 6 minas of silver, and she may go wherever she pleases." 49

“She shall… go away wherever she desires” from the Elephantine marriage contracts and “She may go wherever she pleases” are similar enough in phrasing to indicate that the Elephantine community were influenced by Neo-Babylonian legal practice. Whilst LH 172 and the Neo-Babylonian marriage contracts greatly predate the Elephantine marriage contracts, the similarities are not surprising, considering that the Judean mercenary community of Elephantine were serving the Achaemenid administration at this time. Such Babylonian legal tradition would have influenced the administration, much as the Egyptian practice influenced the Elephantine Judeans.

However, it is not only in the dissolution aspect of marriage that Elephantine practice differed considerably from Judean practice. Whilst Elephantine is clearly mainly patriarchal in structure, like the practice of Judeans detailed in the Bible, a range of people are involved in marrying off their female dependents. In B36 a slave girl is given in marriage by her master. In B41 an adoptive brother gives away his adoptive sister, who was the daughter of the aforementioned slave girl and only a half sister. In B6.4 mother and bridegroom haggle over the daughter. The latter especially shows how women in Elephantine were perhaps considered more equally than in Judean society. Whilst clearly the norm was for the most senior male relative to give the female dependant in marriage, there seems to have been no legal difference in the, albeit fragmentary, contract where a mother is the major party in the marriage contract of her daughter. This too could show an Egyptian influence on Elephantine practice, with women at Elephantine being held in the same regard legally as men, as noted by Swidler.50

Much of what has been written about the women of Elephantine makes them seem like they were anomalies in the Ancient Near East. They have focused on the one major difference in the field of divorce or the end of marriages, where women were given equal footing to instigate proceedings and in monetary reparations. This is indeed different from both Judean and Egyptian practice, the two cultures expected to have the most influence on Elephantine practice. In Judah, men only could instigate divorce proceedings, and in Egypt, only men paid divorce fines.51 Nevertheless, other practices related to women and marriage had similarities, such as the bride bringing a dowry, and the payment of some sort of bride price to the bride’s father. The women of Elephantine did have some level of independence and were able to control their own destinies up to a point, for example controlling property and borrowing money in their own names. It seems more likely that social status had more do to with the level of freedom afforded to Elephantine women than the community absorbing much of their host culture. Some cultural crossover is likely , and evident given the political environment of the era, but the historian should be aware that the Elephantine archive is very limited in its scope, particularly concerning women. Mibtahiah clearly had more opportunities that Tamut, as she was the daughter of an established member of the community, whereas Tamut was a slave marrying into a free family. Tamut’s dowry was considerably less, and her ties to her master remained even though she was married into a new family.52 Women were also linked to their husband’s rank, which would have had much influence on how far they could control their own lives.53 Therefore, in many ways the women of Elephantine were not completely different from other women in the Ancient Near East, but were only anomalies in certain areas. The fragmentary character of the material available makes it difficult to assess for certain exactly how novel these differences were, or indeed, how normal they were for the women of Elephantine.

4124 words.


Bibliography

Archer, L.J., (ed.), Women in Ancient Societies, (London: Macmillan, 1994).

Ayad Ayad, B., 'From the Archive of Ananiah Son of Azariah: A Jew from Elephantine' in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 56, No.1., (Jan. 1997).

Cameron, A., and Kuhrt, A., (eds.), Images of Women in Antiquity, (London: Routledge, 1993).

Cohen, A., Everyman's Talmud, (London: J. Dent and Sons Ltd, 1932).

Cowley, A., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century BC, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923).

Crook, M.B., ‘The Marriageable Maiden of Prov. 31:10-31” in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol.13, (1954).

Erwin Baber, R., 'Marriage and Family Life in Ancient Egypt' in Social Forces, (Vol. 13, No.3, (March 1935).

Greengus, S., ‘The Old Babylonian Marriage Contract’ in Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 89, No. 3. (Jul. - Sep., 1969).

Hertz, S.E., '"To Go and Marry Any Man That You Please": A Study of the Formulaic Antecedents of the Rabbinic Writ of Divorce' in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 60, No. 4. (Oct., 2001).

Kraeling, E. G., 'The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic papyri : new documents of the Fifth Century B.C. from the Jewish colony at Elephantine ', (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953).

Meleze Modrzejewski, J., The Jews of Egypt: From Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian (Princeton, New Jersey; Princeton University Press, 1995).

Muffs, Y., Studies in the Aramaic Legal Papyri from Elephantine, (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2003).

Pestman, P.W., Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, (Leiden, 1961).

Porten, B., Archives from Elephantine: The life of an Ancient Jewish Colony, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968).

— , The Elephantine Papyri in English: three millennia of cross cultural continuity and change, (Leiden, New York: Brill, 1996).

— and Yardeni,A., (eds)., Textbook of Aramaic Texts from Ancient Egypt, Vol.2, (Winona Lake, IN; Eisenbrauns, 1999).

Robins, G., Women in Ancient Egypt, (London; British Museum Press, 1993).

Swidler, L., Women in Judaism : The Status of Women in Formative Judaism, (Metuchen, N.J: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1976).

Yaron, R., Introduction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961).

Valler, S., 'Business Women in the Mishnaic and Talmudic period’ in Women in Judaism in Vol. 2, No.2, (2001).

Webography

‘Exodus 22,’, 31/12/2007

‘Hosea 2,’, 31/12/2007

‘Proverbs 31,’, 31/12/2007

O'Brien, A., 'EGYPTIAN WOMEN IN PTOLEMAIC AND ROMAN EGYPT

THE ECONOMIC AND LEGAL ACTIVITIES OF WOMEN IN DEMOTIC TEXTS' in 'Oriental Institutes Research Archives' <>, 30 November 2007
 

Monday, February 25, 2008

Cherry Blossom

Today, walking home from aquafit, I stood for a while in the silence. The streetlamps on my road are clear white rather than sodium yellow. Beneath one light, an ornamental cherry tree grew. As I looked up the soft white light filtered through the tree's early white blossoms. Their translucent petals seemed to glow against the night sky. I looked and looked, standing still in the quietness. You cannot steal images, only burn them in your mind. When I went to walk off again, beneath my feet, the tree was a dark sillhouette against the grey pavement, the regularity of the blossom shapes intersecting the random, organic twists and meanders of the branches. Each streetlamp left a pool of sharp vision in the landscape of surburbia ahead of me.

Cherry Blossom

Today, walking home from aquafit, I stood for a while in the silence. The streetlamps on my road are clear white rather than sodium yellow. Beneath one light, an ornamental cherry tree grew. As I looked up the soft white light filtered through the tree's early white blossoms. Their translucent petals seemed to glow against the night sky. I looked and looked, standing still in the quietness. You cannot steal images, only burn them in your mind. When I went to walk off again, beneath my feet, the tree was a dark sillhouette against the grey pavement, the regularity of the blossom shapes intersecting the random, organic twists and meanders of the branches. Each streetlamp left a pool of sharp vision in the landscape of surburbia ahead of me.

Love It!

Love It!

Thursday, February 21, 2008

Finally finished my gobbet…


….lots going on in Alex land. Gobbet is finished and being handed in tomorrow. Tom has been a rock during the writing of this as I've been a nightmare to be around. Kudos and brownies and lots of thanks to you. Thanks to Spanky for proof reading it for me. Thanks to Felicity for all her encouragement whilst I've been trying to write it and thanks to Laura for helping me keep up with the new term's Aramaic.


Lots of knitting going on all over Chaplaincy over the last few days. We're knitting a blanket as a keep sake for Chaplaincy. Lots of people are leaving, so we're all doing a square, and then Ruth will crochet them together. It should look great when its done. Then we're moving on to making teeny tiny clothes for premature babies at the Princess Anne Hospital here in Southampton. Any friends out there who want to get involved, please look up preemie patterns on the net and knit away. Drop the finished items in at the Chaplaincy when you're done. If you can't knit but still want to help, please make a small donation towards yarn and needles. We and the tiny babies would appreciate it.


Here is a very belated picture of the gloves I made Tom for Christmas. I think he likes them. He wears them a lot. That's me by the way.


What else has happened to me then? Well I didn't get the place at UCL. I was quite disappointed. In the last week or so before the interview I had started to let myself believe I might just get the place and it was not very nice to be rejected. Apparently I don't have enough experience in the Museums sector to do the course. Unfortunately I'm now in a bit of a catch 22 situation where it's almost impossible to get an entry level museums job without a MA in Museum Studies and I can't get on the MA course I want without more museums experience. The only way out this cycle is to volunteer a lot. I do have a place at Durham, but I can't take that up as I can't afford to live in halls in a college. So I will be taking 1 -2 years out to work in a soul destroying sales role to save up the £8k I need to do an MA and live, and volunteer at as many museums as possible around the place. I've just applied for a bursary from our careers department for 2k towards career development. I've said in my proposal that I would put the money towards learning to drive and rent. I started to learn to drive before I came to uni, but had to stop when I lost my nerve and ran out of money. Museums around here tend to be off the beaten track a bit, and not accessible by public transport, so a car is a bit of must. As for rent, I currently pay my fees and live off about £9k a year. Take out the fees and that's about 8k. The extra money from the grant would be a nice bit to tide me over while I Iook for work the summer after graduating. There's no loan then!

Oh well… just need to sort out my dissertation now! It'll have to wait till next week for the huge kick start as my little sister is down to stay for the weekend. It's great fun.

Finally finished my gobbet…


….lots going on in Alex land. Gobbet is finished and being handed in tomorrow. Tom has been a rock during the writing of this as I've been a nightmare to be around. Kudos and brownies and lots of thanks to you. Thanks to Spanky for proof reading it for me. Thanks to Felicity for all her encouragement whilst I've been trying to write it and thanks to Laura for helping me keep up with the new term's Aramaic.


Lots of knitting going on all over Chaplaincy over the last few days. We're knitting a blanket as a keep sake for Chaplaincy. Lots of people are leaving, so we're all doing a square, and then Ruth will crochet them together. It should look great when its done. Then we're moving on to making teeny tiny clothes for premature babies at the Princess Anne Hospital here in Southampton. Any friends out there who want to get involved, please look up preemie patterns on the net and knit away. Drop the finished items in at the Chaplaincy when you're done. If you can't knit but still want to help, please make a small donation towards yarn and needles. We and the tiny babies would appreciate it.


Here is a very belated picture of the gloves I made Tom for Christmas. I think he likes them. He wears them a lot. That's me by the way.


What else has happened to me then? Well I didn't get the place at UCL. I was quite disappointed. In the last week or so before the interview I had started to let myself believe I might just get the place and it was not very nice to be rejected. Apparently I don't have enough experience in the Museums sector to do the course. Unfortunately I'm now in a bit of a catch 22 situation where it's almost impossible to get an entry level museums job without a MA in Museum Studies and I can't get on the MA course I want without more museums experience. The only way out this cycle is to volunteer a lot. I do have a place at Durham, but I can't take that up as I can't afford to live in halls in a college. So I will be taking 1 -2 years out to work in a soul destroying sales role to save up the £8k I need to do an MA and live, and volunteer at as many museums as possible around the place. I've just applied for a bursary from our careers department for 2k towards career development. I've said in my proposal that I would put the money towards learning to drive and rent. I started to learn to drive before I came to uni, but had to stop when I lost my nerve and ran out of money. Museums around here tend to be off the beaten track a bit, and not accessible by public transport, so a car is a bit of must. As for rent, I currently pay my fees and live off about £9k a year. Take out the fees and that's about 8k. The extra money from the grant would be a nice bit to tide me over while I Iook for work the summer after graduating. There's no loan then!

Oh well… just need to sort out my dissertation now! It'll have to wait till next week for the huge kick start as my little sister is down to stay for the weekend. It's great fun.

Wednesday, February 20, 2008

Geothermal energy – Nicks Ideas!

Use ground source heat pumps under the large areas of land at airports to de ice runways and heat buildings.

Also possible at carparks, football pitches, recreation grounds, university campus, school fields.

Geothermal energy – Nicks Ideas!

Use ground source heat pumps under the large areas of land at airports to de ice runways and heat buildings.

Also possible at carparks, football pitches, recreation grounds, university campus, school fields.

Tuesday, February 12, 2008

response

The response to my email...


I totally agree that as Christians we should do as Christ would and welcome all and I hope that I do. I also pray for all those of other faiths including those who are persecuting Christians and burning down their churches. I agree that love is the only response even to the Islamists but are you aware that our government has already made concessions to them to appease them? I am not advocating either approach, I just think it's good to be aware.

I don't think this is about people losing ther homes - I didn't read it like that anyway - I think it's got more to do with respecting one another and caring too for the place we've been able to choose to live. There are many Muslims and other faiths who live here who do just that, I'm not racist Alexandra I thought you knew me better than that, and where I grew up I mixed with people of other faiths and races but if I went to live in another country I would accept that I would have to abide by their laws. It's because Britain and Australia have respect for freedom of choice that we are now facing a group of very zealous people who want to take over with a very different set of rules. I am not advocating violence or hatred and I very much hope and pray that the public doesn't react in that way and I also hope and pray that those who are taught that there only chance of salvation is to blow themselves up and take innocent people with them will come to know Jesus Christ as their Lord and Saviour. I am aware of Ghandi's quote and others like it and I have also done some study into the story of the Samaritan woman.

I am truly sorry if I have offended you, I had no intention of doing that, I hope you will forgive me. When you are not studying you may like to read a book called 'Secret Believers' by Brother Andrew and Al Jansenn if you haven't already, it is based on true stories but is written more as a novel to protect the identities of the characters.

response

The response to my email...


I totally agree that as Christians we should do as Christ would and welcome all and I hope that I do. I also pray for all those of other faiths including those who are persecuting Christians and burning down their churches. I agree that love is the only response even to the Islamists but are you aware that our government has already made concessions to them to appease them? I am not advocating either approach, I just think it's good to be aware.

I don't think this is about people losing ther homes - I didn't read it like that anyway - I think it's got more to do with respecting one another and caring too for the place we've been able to choose to live. There are many Muslims and other faiths who live here who do just that, I'm not racist Alexandra I thought you knew me better than that, and where I grew up I mixed with people of other faiths and races but if I went to live in another country I would accept that I would have to abide by their laws. It's because Britain and Australia have respect for freedom of choice that we are now facing a group of very zealous people who want to take over with a very different set of rules. I am not advocating violence or hatred and I very much hope and pray that the public doesn't react in that way and I also hope and pray that those who are taught that there only chance of salvation is to blow themselves up and take innocent people with them will come to know Jesus Christ as their Lord and Saviour. I am aware of Ghandi's quote and others like it and I have also done some study into the story of the Samaritan woman.

I am truly sorry if I have offended you, I had no intention of doing that, I hope you will forgive me. When you are not studying you may like to read a book called 'Secret Believers' by Brother Andrew and Al Jansenn if you haven't already, it is based on true stories but is written more as a novel to protect the identities of the characters.

NO I DO NOT AGREE!

AN EMAIL I RECIEVED TODAY....


The Australian Prime Minister John Howard..... What a GREAT man!!!!!!

Isn't this refreshing?

The UK Needs A Leader Like This!




Prime Minister John Howard - Australia


Muslims who want to live under Islamic Sharia law were told on Wednesday to get out of Australia , as the government targeted radicals in a bid to head off potential terror attacks.

Separately, Howard angered some Australian Muslims on Wednesday by saying he supported spy agencies monitoring the nation's mosques. Quote: 'IMMIGRANTS, NOT AUSTRALIANS, MUST ADAPT. Take It Or Leave It. I am tired of this nation worrying about whether we are offending some individual or their culture. Since the terrorist attacks on Bali , we have experienced a surge in patriotism by the majority of Australians.'



'This culture has been developed over two centuries of struggles, trials and victories by millions of men and women who have sought freedom'

'We speak mainly ENGLISH, not Spanish, Lebanese, Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, Russian, or any other language. Therefore, if you wish to become part of our society . Learn the language!'

'Most Australians believe in God. This is not some Christian, right wing, political push, but a fact, because Christian men and women, on Christian principles, founded this nation, and this is clearly documented. It is certainly appropriate to display it on the walls of our schools. If God offends you, then I suggest you consider another part of the world as your new home, because God is part of our culture.'

'We will accept your beliefs, and will not question why. All we ask is that you accept ours, and live in harmony and peaceful enjoyment with us.'

'This is OUR COUNTRY, OUR LAND, and OUR LIFESTYLE, and we will allow you every opportunity to enjoy all this. But once you are done complaining, whining, and griping about Our Flag, Our Pledge, Our Christian beliefs, or Our Way of Life, I highly encourage you take advantage of one other great Australian freedom,

'THE RIGHT TO LEAVE'.'

'If you aren't happy here then LEAVE. We didn't force you to come here. You asked to be here. So accept the country YOU accepted.'

Maybe if we circulate this amongst ourselves, American citizens and Leaders will find the backbone to start speaking and voicing the same truths.


If you agree ... please SEND THIS ON.



My reply:

I'm sorry to make contact for such unhappy reasons, but I would prefer if you didn't send emails like this to me. I don't think telling citizens of a country who want to adminster their personal, not their public lives, in a different way to the ideas of the Prime Minister is a very worthy cause. In fact it goes against the free will God granted us to make up our own minds about our lives. We are free to choose our religion and to choose how we live. I think infact that sending emails like this beautifully illustrates a quote from Ghandi, " I like your Christ, but I don't like his Christians ". I believe Jesus would not be chasing people out of their homes, rather finding ways to minister to them with love. I quote from a website here,

"In the story of the Samaritan woman, Jesus crosses both social and religious barriers (John 4:4-42). While much attention has been given to this aspect of the story, few have pondered the significance of Jesus conversing with not only a Samaritan, but a Samaritan who was a woman.

Jewish society frowned upon conversation between male and female. This was particularly true of Samaritan women, who were deemed perpetually unclean. The laws of purity declared that "the daughters of the Samaritans are menstruants {55} from their cradle (Daube, 137). The Samaritan woman's surprised reaction to being addressed by Jesus is evident (4:9). The latter part of the verse is often translated "for Jews have no dealing with Samaritans" (RSV). The verb sugchrontai alludes to the cultic code that forbade a Jew to eat or drink from the vessel of an unclean person such as a Samaritan, and especially a Samaritan woman whom they considered a perpetual menstruant. The Samaritan woman's shock is understandable as Jesus requests a drink from her vessel.

When the disciples return, they are shocked to see Jesus and the Samaritan woman in conversation. The Greek does not attribute the disciples' shock to the fact that Jesus was talking to "the woman" but rather "a woman." Schnackenburg points out that "the disciples are not taken aback . . . to see him disregarding the barriers of race. They are thinking of the reserve imposed on all Jews, and a rabbi in particular, with regard to the female sex" (1:443). The attitude of Aboth Rabbe Nathan is typical of rabbinic thought when he says, "One does not speak with a woman on the street, not even his own wife, and certainly not with another woman, on account of gossip" (Haenchen, 1:224)." http://www.directionjournal.org/article/?680

Jesus here chooses to spend time with someone who is of effectively a different religion to that of his own, takes time to talk to them and engage with them rather than ignoring them or berating them. As a result of this, the Samaritan women does indeed respond to the good news.

If perhaps the Christians of today followed Jesus' example and minister to the Muslims of the world with love and kindness, tolerance and understanding, showing them a path whereby one has a relationship with God, they might be more inclined to listen to the good news. Treating them as a threat and alienating them will not do this. Misunderstanding breeds fear and fear breeds hatred. I hope that you can break this cycle.

With love, and the hope that you would understand my point of view,

Alex

Discuss....

NO I DO NOT AGREE!

AN EMAIL I RECIEVED TODAY....


The Australian Prime Minister John Howard..... What a GREAT man!!!!!!

Isn't this refreshing?

The UK Needs A Leader Like This!




Prime Minister John Howard - Australia


Muslims who want to live under Islamic Sharia law were told on Wednesday to get out of Australia , as the government targeted radicals in a bid to head off potential terror attacks.

Separately, Howard angered some Australian Muslims on Wednesday by saying he supported spy agencies monitoring the nation's mosques. Quote: 'IMMIGRANTS, NOT AUSTRALIANS, MUST ADAPT. Take It Or Leave It. I am tired of this nation worrying about whether we are offending some individual or their culture. Since the terrorist attacks on Bali , we have experienced a surge in patriotism by the majority of Australians.'



'This culture has been developed over two centuries of struggles, trials and victories by millions of men and women who have sought freedom'

'We speak mainly ENGLISH, not Spanish, Lebanese, Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, Russian, or any other language. Therefore, if you wish to become part of our society . Learn the language!'

'Most Australians believe in God. This is not some Christian, right wing, political push, but a fact, because Christian men and women, on Christian principles, founded this nation, and this is clearly documented. It is certainly appropriate to display it on the walls of our schools. If God offends you, then I suggest you consider another part of the world as your new home, because God is part of our culture.'

'We will accept your beliefs, and will not question why. All we ask is that you accept ours, and live in harmony and peaceful enjoyment with us.'

'This is OUR COUNTRY, OUR LAND, and OUR LIFESTYLE, and we will allow you every opportunity to enjoy all this. But once you are done complaining, whining, and griping about Our Flag, Our Pledge, Our Christian beliefs, or Our Way of Life, I highly encourage you take advantage of one other great Australian freedom,

'THE RIGHT TO LEAVE'.'

'If you aren't happy here then LEAVE. We didn't force you to come here. You asked to be here. So accept the country YOU accepted.'

Maybe if we circulate this amongst ourselves, American citizens and Leaders will find the backbone to start speaking and voicing the same truths.


If you agree ... please SEND THIS ON.



My reply:

I'm sorry to make contact for such unhappy reasons, but I would prefer if you didn't send emails like this to me. I don't think telling citizens of a country who want to adminster their personal, not their public lives, in a different way to the ideas of the Prime Minister is a very worthy cause. In fact it goes against the free will God granted us to make up our own minds about our lives. We are free to choose our religion and to choose how we live. I think infact that sending emails like this beautifully illustrates a quote from Ghandi, " I like your Christ, but I don't like his Christians ". I believe Jesus would not be chasing people out of their homes, rather finding ways to minister to them with love. I quote from a website here,

"In the story of the Samaritan woman, Jesus crosses both social and religious barriers (John 4:4-42). While much attention has been given to this aspect of the story, few have pondered the significance of Jesus conversing with not only a Samaritan, but a Samaritan who was a woman.

Jewish society frowned upon conversation between male and female. This was particularly true of Samaritan women, who were deemed perpetually unclean. The laws of purity declared that "the daughters of the Samaritans are menstruants {55} from their cradle (Daube, 137). The Samaritan woman's surprised reaction to being addressed by Jesus is evident (4:9). The latter part of the verse is often translated "for Jews have no dealing with Samaritans" (RSV). The verb sugchrontai alludes to the cultic code that forbade a Jew to eat or drink from the vessel of an unclean person such as a Samaritan, and especially a Samaritan woman whom they considered a perpetual menstruant. The Samaritan woman's shock is understandable as Jesus requests a drink from her vessel.

When the disciples return, they are shocked to see Jesus and the Samaritan woman in conversation. The Greek does not attribute the disciples' shock to the fact that Jesus was talking to "the woman" but rather "a woman." Schnackenburg points out that "the disciples are not taken aback . . . to see him disregarding the barriers of race. They are thinking of the reserve imposed on all Jews, and a rabbi in particular, with regard to the female sex" (1:443). The attitude of Aboth Rabbe Nathan is typical of rabbinic thought when he says, "One does not speak with a woman on the street, not even his own wife, and certainly not with another woman, on account of gossip" (Haenchen, 1:224)." http://www.directionjournal.org/article/?680

Jesus here chooses to spend time with someone who is of effectively a different religion to that of his own, takes time to talk to them and engage with them rather than ignoring them or berating them. As a result of this, the Samaritan women does indeed respond to the good news.

If perhaps the Christians of today followed Jesus' example and minister to the Muslims of the world with love and kindness, tolerance and understanding, showing them a path whereby one has a relationship with God, they might be more inclined to listen to the good news. Treating them as a threat and alienating them will not do this. Misunderstanding breeds fear and fear breeds hatred. I hope that you can break this cycle.

With love, and the hope that you would understand my point of view,

Alex

Discuss....

Saturday, February 09, 2008

T Signing Off

Now Alex has returned and told you her story, and can carry on doing so
for years to come, I relinquish my responsibilities here.

Alex has saved you all from hours of fevered chattering and discussion
of the question "Who was T?"... it was, of course, Toddy.

I may still write for this page - Alex said that we could do it jointly,
but really I don't know if I'm blissfully eccentric enough. I'm not
sure what it means.

I'm finding my feet on this new plateau, though, so go <a
href="http://www.moabon.com/cjt/todd.htm">here</a>, and don't complain if it falters.

See you there.

T Signing Off

Now Alex has returned and told you her story, and can carry on doing so
for years to come, I relinquish my responsibilities here.

Alex has saved you all from hours of fevered chattering and discussion
of the question "Who was T?"... it was, of course, Toddy.

I may still write for this page - Alex said that we could do it jointly,
but really I don't know if I'm blissfully eccentric enough. I'm not
sure what it means.

I'm finding my feet on this new plateau, though, so go <a
href="http://www.moabon.com/cjt/todd.htm">here</a>, and don't complain if it falters.

See you there.

Tuesday, February 05, 2008

All Pictures and Lists...

Sat here listening to Lisa Mantchev's Playlist, (she's my current author du jour, and I've been reading her blog for years so when she gets big you've heard it here first!), enjoying the 40s swing, I thought I'd let you have the pictures of what I've been up to recently. But first a list:

G O O D T H I N G S O F T H E D A Y
  1. My nice bf giving me a lift to the station even though it was early o'clock.
  2. Getting around London really easily with my Oyster card.
  3. The buskers under Millenium bridge who combined djembe drumming with jazz trumpet. In The Mood sounded awesome with an african undercurrent.
  4. My interview being almost enjoyable, and being told that deferrment is definately a possibilty.
  5. Buying a hat for £1.
  6. The Islamic art exhibition in the British Museum.
Now Pictures....

Take these yummy ingredients...

...Stir into gently heated condensed milk...


...and bake to make Nigella's fabulous breakfast bars.


Tom and I also made her chocolate brownies...



... those these were much better the next day when they had gone all cold and gooey.


I went to visit Winchester Cathedral with Tom and got all arty...


I found some really odd keyrings in the shop.



I also got some beautiful flowers from Tom. Just because.


All Pictures and Lists...

Sat here listening to Lisa Mantchev's Playlist, (she's my current author du jour, and I've been reading her blog for years so when she gets big you've heard it here first!), enjoying the 40s swing, I thought I'd let you have the pictures of what I've been up to recently. But first a list:

G O O D T H I N G S O F T H E D A Y
  1. My nice bf giving me a lift to the station even though it was early o'clock.
  2. Getting around London really easily with my Oyster card.
  3. The buskers under Millenium bridge who combined djembe drumming with jazz trumpet. In The Mood sounded awesome with an african undercurrent.
  4. My interview being almost enjoyable, and being told that deferrment is definately a possibilty.
  5. Buying a hat for £1.
  6. The Islamic art exhibition in the British Museum.
Now Pictures....

Take these yummy ingredients...

...Stir into gently heated condensed milk...


...and bake to make Nigella's fabulous breakfast bars.


Tom and I also made her chocolate brownies...



... those these were much better the next day when they had gone all cold and gooey.


I went to visit Winchester Cathedral with Tom and got all arty...


I found some really odd keyrings in the shop.



I also got some beautiful flowers from Tom. Just because.